EconomistDon wrote:
I said JOBS are up; we were not talking about wages. Pay attention T***handlies.
You are probably too young to remember the decades when America was great. Of course, for lefties, if they didn't see it or live it, it didn't happen; right thruhandlies? America was great through the 1960s. We still had a "national" economy. That means that nearly everything we consumed was made in America by American workers. It was an even playing field for businesses competing for consumer dollars. They all paid pretty much the same wages, so those with the best production model or best technology got the sales. America's middle class thrived on booming factory jobs. The nation's unemployment rate fell to 3.0 percent by the end of the 1960s. The 1950s and 1960s were probably the best of the century as the middle class bought cars and moved into their own homes in the suburbs.
But trouble hit the economy in the 1970s. Thanks to improved t***sportation, Japan flooded our markets with goods made with cheap labor. First it was cars and then steel. Later, they began to steal our technology and made our gadgets cheaper than we could. Then Taiwan and Indonesia flooded our markets with cheap clothing. And a few decades later, China got into the act. All these countries buried us with cheap goods because they paid their workers 25 cents on the dollar. America's factories went bankrupt and our middle class virtually disappeared.
Thanks to Trump, we are working our way back to the greatness of the past. Unemployment rates are approaching 3.0 percent. Unfortunately, too many of today's jobs are in low-pay industries like retail trade and other services. Factory jobs have a long way to come back, but Trump is working on it.
That's your economic lesson for today.
I said JOBS are up; we were not talking about wage... (
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Thanks for the eco lesson, Don.
Actually I probably remember the 60's better than you since I was around in the 40's.
Yes, I noticed you said jobs. But workers are more interested in wages, especially in full employment. If a person has to work two jobs to make ends meet (especially in full employment), he is more interested in wages.
Based on the party in office, it is hard to bless or blame party for your Golden Age of 1950s-1960s.
1950-1952: D
1953-1960: R
1961-1968: D
1969-1976: R
1977-1980: D
Here is a another version of eco history from a source you will probably not castigate
https://www.theamericanconservative.com/articles/americas-tumultuous-history-with-tariffs/...
Then came the Great Depression and the disastrous Smoot-Hawley Tariff of 1930, which raised duties on some 20,000 imported goods, in some instances to record levels. Many economic historians believe this legislation deepened and lengthened the Great Depression.
If so, it also contributed to the political eclipse of the Republican Party and its traditional protectionism. With Democrats now enjoying a commanding position in American politics, tariff rates began a steady decline that would last for decades. A free-trade consensus prevailed, even among Republicans. The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was established in 1947 to reduce trade barriers and promote unfettered trade among capitalist nations. In 1995, that organization became the World Trade Organization. This regimen of open markets and low tariffs dominated worldwide commerce through the postwar era, including the period following the collapse of Soviet c*******m.
But protectionist sentiments bubbled up from time to time, most notably in the 1980s when Japanese industrial production battered various American manufacturers, starting with electronic appliances and eventually slamming U.S. automakers and their workers. It was a serious matter, both politically and economically. U.S. factories were being shut down, workers laid off, industrial towns and cities devastated. Labor unions clamored for some kind of protection.
President Reagan, far more deft on far more issues than he has received credit for, crafted an approach that precluded the blunt instrument of the old-fashioned tariff. Instead he worked towards voluntary restrictions based on import quotas arrived at through diplomatic agreements (not unlike McKinley’s reciprocity concept). As the Wall Street Journal’s Holman W. Jenkins Jr. wrote the other day, Reagan “slapped import quotas on cars, motorcycles, forklifts, memory chips, color TVs, machine tools, textiles, steel, Canadian lumber and mushrooms. There was no market meltdown.” There also were no trade wars.
That was before, as Jenkins notes, the rise of China (far more ominous than Japan’s industrial emergence in the 1970s and ‘80s) and before “the globalization of the world’s assembly line.” But Reagan’s approach reflected an appreciation for the sensitive nature of the trade issue and the need to mesh the imperatives of international commerce with the requirement of assuaging domestic political anger. That required finesse.
The fluctuating history of U.S. trade policy demonstrates that, while this issue may seem settled for extended periods, it will never remain under control indefinitely. The decline of industrial America, and the devastation it has wreaked in so many heartland areas of the country, has spawned a powerful backlash that contributed to the e******n of Donald Trump.
Whether Trump’s old-fashioned tariff approach can reverse that devastation and revive America’s industrial capacity remains an open question. But it seems clear that, if he can’t find a way to incorporate some of the reciprocity thinking of William McKinley and Ronald Reagan, he will almost surely fail.
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Are we in the process of reincarnating Smoot-Hawley?
This history seems to indicate that what is needed is a nuanced thinker like Reagan---nuance and finesse are hardly Trump's suits.
This conservative history ends with the conclusion (last paragraph) that is not nearly as enthusiastic about Trump's approach as you seem to be.