KHH1 wrote:
Not at all...police them like you are trying to police me or leave me the phuck alone also.....fair anough and easy to understand...because i'm not half as vile as your colleague..AO.....but you know that......call it coward...i call it reciprocation...which means how YOU think does not mean a gotdamn thing to me.....coward is that bulls**t excuse you just made for being scared to call out your fellow r****ts...save that 25cent reverse psychology bullschit...and telling somebody to k**l themselves makes you sound like an out of control b***h.....
Not at all...police them like you are trying to po... (
show quote)
Your a liberal r****t, admit it.
CULTURE
Why Liberals Think Conservatives Are R****t
By Rachel Lu
The sighs of relief from the left are almost audible. R****m lives! The h**e is out there!
It would be unfitting to throw a party for the occasion of h**eful comments from Donald Sterling and Cliven Bundy, but some liberal journalists are probably tempted. Im trying to wring some grim humor out of the news, but Im getting my r****ts all mixed up, quipped Robin Abcarian of the Los Angeles Times. Believe it or not, wrote Mary Curtis in the Washington Post, something good might arise from the r****t swamp of recent news cycles. Its all right, Ms. Curtis. You may proceed with your heel clicks. We all know that multiple high-profile r****ts in a 2-week period make for high times for liberals.
Liberals need r****t foes to vanquish. Most of the time they have to resort to finding them where they obviously arent there. Ross Douthat could print his mothers best cookie recipes, and his New York Times readers would still lambast him as a bigot. (Perhaps we would learn that snickerdoodles are a well-known symbol of oppression in certain sub-cultures.) Paul Ryan can hardly order a sandwich without liberal pundits combing through in search of the r****t coding that they know to be hidden within all Republican rhetoric.
To conservative eyes, these accusations rarely achieve escape velocity from the farcical world of liberal paranoia. Figures like Bundy or Sterling predictably set off a tiresome string of rants about hidden r****m and conservative denial, but the universality with which r****t sentiments are condemned tells the real story. Its hard to see how conservatives could sprint away from r****ts at top speed, while simultaneously wooing v**ers who mostly share their sentiments. As usual, liberal reflections on what Bundy and Sterling tell us about conservatives were mostly just silly.
Its too bad to get back to business as usual in the r****m blame game, because quite recently, Jonathan Chaits feature in New York Magazine offered some surprisingly helpful insights into liberals and their need for conservative r****m. Chaits piece, and the firestorm that followed, make a fascinating tutorial in liberal paradigms concerning r****m. Looking through their eyes for a moment, it almost starts to make sense why theyre so certain that r****m is a significant moving force behind American conservatism.
The Paranoia of Coding
Initially it can be a bit startling to remind oneself that liberals really dont see their accusations as the political equivalent to calling us poopy-heads; they actually believe that ethnic hatred is an important motivator for conservatives. Some even get frustrated that conservatives have gotten so clever about coding our r****t messages, hiding them in subtle subtexts that liberal journalists cant easily expose (even while our barely-literate backwoods v**ers apparently hear them loud and clear). You can almost picture liberals playing Ryans speeches backwards, hoping to catch that Paul McCartney is dead moment when the mild-mannered and professorial Ryan secretly taps into the seething cauldron of bigoted rage that he knows to be driving his base.
Apparently some of them do actually realize that theyre overreaching, though it isnt something they like to hear. Chait poked the bear by explaining some of the history behind the coding paranoia and agreeing that conservatives have some reason to resent it. More importantly, Chait explains with admirable clarity one important reason why the r****t-conservative dogma is so important for liberals. A second emerges from the responses to Chaits piece.
Reason 1: Everyone H**es Reruns
The Ballad of the Civil Rights Movement has long been liberals favorite bed-time story. Martin Luther King Day may be the only day of the year when they feel completely, unambiguously proud to be Americans. Its hard to exaggerate how important this is to liberal political thinking. They are perpetually looking for new ways to recapture that high.
Conservatives tend to miss this because we see the Civil Rights story as settled history. Were all pleased to have sloughed off the bigotry of our ancestors. Of course we want people to be judged by the content of their character and not by their skin. Whats left to debate here?
Liberals have yet to turn that page. This is their favorite series, and like every loyal fan base, they always want another sequel. Indeed, as Chait acknowledges, one of the most appealing things about a 2008 Senator Obama was the perception that he could be the star of a particularly thrilling new episode. Of course, if thats the storyline, its no mystery which role was available for conservatives. Racial coding became a convenient fix for a glaring plot hole: Republican politicians refusal to follow their r****t script.
Of course, for conservatives this is a pretty bad deal. We cant stop being the r****t party if thats the only role our political enemies have available. At most we can ask liberals to consider who is served by their implicit demand that r****m never die. A film director can afford to keep resurrecting Moriarty or Lex Luther for the amusement of his story-hungry audiences; in politics we should leave our vanquished villains in their historical chapters. Modern liberal oppression narratives are far and away the most expensive dramas ever produced, and we all get d**gged to see them whether were interested or not.
As grim as this sounds, it may actually be the more remediable liberal fixation. Another liberal paradigm (which is well articulated by Brian Beutler of The New Republic), leaves even less wiggle-room for a conservatism that actually serves the common good.
Reason 2: What Else Besides R****m Could Persuade Middle-Class Schmucks To Support Plutocracy?
Beutler is gracious enough to agree with Chait that, the lefts racial analysis of conservative politics might lend itself to careless or opportunistic, overreaching accusations of r****m. But he doesnt feel too bad about it, because as he goes on to argue, liberals are fundamentally right about conservative r****m. White racial resentment is one of the primary sources of energy behind American conservatism. It has to be, because thats the only plausible explanation for why anyone but the rich and privileged would support the GOP.
To his credit, Beutler doesnt probe the sub-conscious of high-profile conservatives for unconfessed bigotry. He is cheerfully prepared to admit (and he thinks most liberals would agree) that racial hatred plays a small role in the motivations of the major players. For them, its all about greed. Their policies are pitched to protect their own wealth and privilege at the expense of the poor.
But the ultra-wealthy (as we have been reminded ad nauseum) are a small minority in America, and poorer v**ers have little reason to support a plutocratic agenda that doesnt serve them. In order to stay viable, therefore, Republicans need a populist hook. That hook, Beutler believes, is racial resentment.
Conservative readers might be asking: why in the world would he believe that? To liberals it seems obvious. Conservatives are ferocious in their assault on programs that disproportionately enlist ethnic minorities, including Medicaid, food stamps and welfare. How else to explain that except as a manifestation of white Republicans r****t schadenfreude?
Its hard to know where to begin with such convoluted reasoning. The conservative distaste for entitlements is deeply connected to our political philosophy; all of our most cherished values come into play here. And we have plenty of sociological evidence to present, now that the scars of entitlement dependency blight every major city in America, bequeathing to our poorest children a legacy of dysfunction and vice. But sure, lets write all of that off as a manifestation of conservative greed and hatred. That would make so much more sense.
In order to make sense of such an apparently-crazy view, we need to remind ourselves of some further features of liberal ideology. To conservatives it seems crazy and wildly uncharitable to dismiss their (well-grounded) views as manifestations of an irrational animus against ethnic minorities. But to liberals this seems reasonable, because embedded deep within the liberal worldview is the idea that the end of the day all political activity can be seen as part of a story about warring classes. Its another trope that we can lay at the feet of our still-fashionable friend, Karl Marx.
Marx declares early in The C*******t Manifesto that, The history of all hitherto existing societies is a history of class struggles. This is one of those sweeping interpretive claims that sounds silly to the uninitiated, but that starts to seem all-important to those who have adopted it as their central political paradigm. Marx was a wonderful storyteller, and his fairy tale still holds much power over the minds of modern people, as weve recently seen in the furor over Thomas Pikettys Capital in the Twenty-First Century.
As Marx understands it, societies are made up of multiple classes that perpetually jockey for relative advantage. Open warfare is avoided through a complex balance of agreements that enable each class to hold its own in the larger social structure. Some are better off than others, but all have something to lose if the arrangement collapses and turns into open warfare. Before the Industrial Revolution humans had crafted a fairly well-functioning class ecosystem, but rapidly expanding markets interrupted that balance by massively empowering one particular class (specifically the medieval burghers) to bring all others to heel. Now called the bourgeoisie, these new overlords wielded the immense power of the modern market as a weapon, harnessing all the other classes in an exploitative system that overwhelmingly benefited themselves.
Its a story we all know, whether or not weve read. For liberals especially, The C*******t Manifesto is far more important than Cinderella. It wafts its way through their dreams and colors their entire social outlook. Of course we know that capitalists are castigated as exploiters and tyrants. Thats only the beginning, however. Everything is a zero-sum game in this outlook. That means that every move Republicans make must represent an attempt to win some marbles away from Democratic v**ers, which of course will be tossed into the overflowing treasure chests of Republican elite.
How do we know that Republicans are r****t? Well, we dont get much support from ethnic minorities, and we dislike entitlement programs. If you see the world through a Marxist class-warfare paradigm, that really does look like adequate evidence to make the case.
Spreading the Good News
Conservatives have favorite stories too. We love our Constitutional Convention and our melting-pot of immigration. We get misty-eyed over the Greatest Generation and their triumphs in World War II. We believe that America is a special country. Conservative narratives have a level of transcendence that liberals simply dont understand, which means that they can reject the dreary sameness of perpetual class warfare.
In fairness, some of the ideas that spring from those commitments are surprising, and may even seem naive. For example, most conservatives seem fairly confident that the r****m of our ancestors can just be discarded in the dust bin of history. Historically, this might seem unlikely, since racial resentment often burns on for centuries, consuming generation after generation in blood feuds and bitter grudge-matches. To Marxists, the cheerful conservative determination just to shut the book and move on comes across as childishly obtuse. Surely we at least need to roil in resentment and self-recrimination first?
Most incredible to liberals, however, is our claim that good economic policy (especially when combined with a well-ordered social structure) is actually good for everyone. Were not all jockeying for the same pot of goods. It isnt a zero-sum game. More opportunity for me can mean more prosperity for you, and vice-versa. We can all win.
This is the conservative Gospel, as it were. Conservatives tell Americans: we dont have to fight over the pie! Lets just make it bigger! Success is not a rationed commodity!
Like another piece of Good News two millennia ago, this just seems absurd to most liberals. Free markets are good for everyone? Get out. Can you people please just fess up and admit that youre closeted r****ts?
Setting these two political narratives side by side, its not hard to choose the mo