Rumi,
You really need to be more careful in who you use as a source for historical posts. It’s evident your author didn’t use very many, herself, since her research yielded ZERO credibility to her book with her “wild-in-the-eyes” conclusions about Lee and s***ery.
Below, is a portion of a tid-bit of knowledge your author obviously failed to utilized for her research. As a “Civil War nut,” myself (I live in Tennessee and it’s home to the 2nd highest number of Civil War battles, behind Virginia), I’ve learned where to go to find creditable and usually unbiased sources for my research.
Robert E. Lee and S***ery
From the EncyclopediaVirginia
Contributed by Allen C. Guelzo
Robert E. Lee was the most successful Confederate military leader during the American Civil War (1861–1865). This also made him, by virtue of the Confederacy's defense of chattel s***ery, the most successful defender of the ens***ement of African Americans. Yet his own personal record on both s***ery and race is mottled with contradictions and ambivalence, all which were in plain view during his long career. Born into two of Virginia's most prominent families, Lee spent his early years surrounded by ens***ed African Americans, although that changed once he joined the Army. His wife, Mary Randolph Custis Lee, freed her own personal s***es, but her father, George Washington Parke Custis, still owned many people, and when he died, Robert E. Lee, as executor of his estate, was responsible for manumitting them within five years. He was widely criticized for taking the full five years. Lee and his wife supported the American Colonization Society before the war but resisted the abolitionist movement. Lee later insisted that his decision to support the Confederacy was not founded on a defense of s***ery. During both the Maryland (1862) and Gettysburg (1863) campaigns, Lee's officers kidnapped free b****s and sold them into s***ery. By 1865, Lee supported the enlistment of African Americans into the Confederate army, but he surrendered before a plan could be implemented. After the war, he generally opposed racial and political e******y for African Americans.
Lee was born in 1807, into two of Virginia's most prominent families. His father, Henry "Light-Horse Harry" Lee, served as a cavalry officer in the American Revolution (1775–1783), a governor of Virginia (1791–1794), and a member of the House of Representatives (1799–1801), while his mother, Ann Hill Carter Lee, was the great-granddaughter of colonial-era Virginia's most prominent s***eholder, Robert "King" Carter. Lee spent his early childhood at Stratford Hall, the family plantation on the Northern Neck, surrounded by more than thirty ens***ed African-Americans. Even after various financial setbacks and a move to diminished quarters in Alexandria, the family still retained s***es, including at least six at the time of Ann Carter Lee's death in 1829. There is no record of Robert E. Lee owning s***es prior to that year, which coincided with his graduation from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, New York. Ann Carter Lee itemized the s***es she bequeathed to her daughter, Ann Kinloch Lee, but the only designation of property to her youngest son was a vague division of "the remainder of my estate" among Robert and his two older brothers, Charles Carter Lee and Sidney Smith Lee.
This "remainder," however, may have included other s***es, since a letter written by Lee to his brother Charles Carter Lee, on February 24, 1835, mentions "Mrs. Sally Diggs" and "Mrs Nancy Ruffin & her three illegitimate pledges," who are "are all of the race in my poss[ession]." Lee may well have owned one other s***e as a result of his mother's estate, a man known only as Nat (or "Nate"), who accompanied Lee to his first posting as an engineering officer on Cockspur Island, Georgia, at the mouth of the Savannah River. But Nat was evidently both elderly and ill—"very weak & his cough is still bad," Lee wrote to his brother Charles on January 4, 1831—and died soon after.
But even if Lee owned few s***es in his own name, he became part of a large s***eholding household when he married Mary Anna Randolph Custis in 1831. Mary Custis Lee was the only surviving child of George Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of Martha Washington and the owner of three major plantations—Arlington, overlooking the Potomac River in the District of Columbia, and Romancocke on the Pamunkey River and White House on the York River—and 198 s***es by the 1850s. Thereafter, Lee had little need to acquire s***es himself, and the family's summer-vacation peregrinations to visit various relatives included, according to one 1839 account, "a squad of children, Negroes, horses, and dogs." On the other hand, the various postings to which Lee was ordered after his marriage did not accommodate large numbers of s***es, especially in the North. In 1840 Lee was stationed in Saint Louis, where he was in charge of a multiyear project to dredge the Mississippi River ship channel. That year the federal census lists him as owning twenty-two s***es, but it is more likely that these were ens***ed laborers hired by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers for the dredging project. In a letter to his wife, dated April 18, 1841, Lee noted that his quarters at Fort Hamilton in New York harbor offered "poor encouragement about Servants," since "every one seems to attend to their own matters." In 1850, when Lee was assigned to Baltimore to begin the construction of Fort Carroll, a census taker only itemized three "mulattoes" as household s***es, all of them drawn from the Arlington s***e population.
Despite the family's extensive investment in s***es, the Custises were not entirely comfortable with owning s***es. George Washington Parke Custis's step-grandfather, George Washington, had manumitted, or freed, through his will the s***es owned in his own name, and like many elite Virginia s***eholders, the Custises took the opportunity of s***ery's steady drain toward the southwestern states to profess their distaste for the "peculiar institution," although without necessarily doing anything about it. The elder Custis described s***ery as a "vulture" that gnawed at the "vitals" of southern society; Custis's brother-in-law, William Henry Fitzhugh, had scheduled the postmortem manumission of his own s***es "after the year 1850." Mary Custis Lee herself operated a small Sunday school for ens***ed children at Arlington.
While it was legal under the laws of the District of Columbia, the classes became suspect under Virginia law once Arlington was retroceded to Virginia in 1847. And, like his Custis in-laws, Lee supported the American Society for Colonizing the Free People of Color of the United States. In 1855 he purchased a life membership for his wife.
With his connection to s***e owning being mostly tangential rather than direct, Lee preferred to treat the ens***ed people around him as invisible. In an 1832 letter to his brother Charles, written during his first posting in Georgia, he noticed only that "B****s in this part of the Country are mostly Labourers, & Mechanics white." Thirty-five years later he was posted in Texas as lieutenant colonel of the 2nd Cavalry. In a letter to his wife, dated March 28, 1857, he remarked obliquely on "our troubles" in maintaining "servants" at Camp Cooper.
It was not until the mid-1850s that Lee offered his first extended commentary on s***ery. After the Mexican War (1846–1848) brought to the United States a substantial amount of new territory known as the Mexican Cession, Congress began debating the possibility of legalizing s***ery there. The controversy was abated by the Compromise of 1850, which permitted s***ery in the Cession under the rule of "popular sovereignty," which allowed the settlers of a given territory to decide for themselves whether to allow s***ery. But peace lasted only until 1854, when the Kansas-Nebraska Act attempted to apply the "popular sovereignty" rule to the other western territories acquired earlier by the Louisiana Purchase. The Whig Party dissolved under the weight of the controversy. A new political party, the Republican, emerged in adamant opposition to any expansion of s***ery into the territories and in 1856 nominated its first p**********l candidate, John C. Frémont.
From Texas, Lee wrote his wife on November 19, 1856, that he was "much in the dark as to what is going on in the outer world." But he was apprehensive that there was "no hope" of electing the last of the Whig candidates, Millard Fillmore, in order to promote national compromise. He was certain that Frémont could not be elected, and predicted that a victory by the Democrat, James Buchanan, would best guarantee "the Union and Constitution." His guesses were confirmed the next month. He wrote his wife on December 27 that "full files of papers" had arrived "from New Orleans," along with news of outgoing President Franklin Pierce's final State of the Union Address. In the same letter he wrote to condemn "the systematic & progressive efforts of certain people of the North, to interfere with & change the domestic institutions of the South." The driving force behind the movement to restrict the legalization of s***ery in the territories was a movement to abolish s***ery entirely—not just in the territories, but in the southern states as well. This, Lee believed "can only be accomplished by them through the agency of a civil and servile war."
It was, however, the violence of the abolitionist solution that alarmed Lee, not a love for s***ery itself. "In this enlightened age, there are few, I believe, but what will acknowledge, that s***ery as an institution, is a moral & political evil in any country," he wrote his wife. The burden of the evil actually fell more to "the white than to the black race," since "the b****s are immeasurably better off here then in Africa, morally, socially & physically," and their "painful discipline" as s***es will "prepare & lead them to better things." What he dreaded was the disruption caused by a sudden and total emancipation of the s***es. It will accomplish nothing, Lee argued, for the abolitionist to "create angry feelings in the master […] if he means well to the s***e," since the abolitionist has no more ground for interfering in the legal relations of masters and s***es than in any other "kind of interference with our neighbors when we disapprove their conduct." The "final abolition of human s***ery is onward, & we give it the aid of our prayers & all justifiable means in our power," he wrote, but it is a process that cannot be rushed, and "will sooner result from the mild & melting influence of Christianity, than the storms & tempests of fiery controversy."
Events did not permit Lee the luxury of dealing with s***ery in such detached terms. His father-in-law, George Washington Parke Custis, died in October 1857, having designated Lee as the executor of his estate. Taking a leave of absence from his regiment, Lee found both the will and the estate a tangled mess, not the least because Custis had stipulated that his s***es were "to be emancipated by my executors in such manner as to my executors may seem most expedient and proper." He further stipulated for "the said emancipation to be accomplished in not exceeding five years from the time of my decease." To accomplish that, Lee had to satisfy Custis's substantial debts and fund several benefactions to Lee's own children, which could only be created by overhauling the management of the Custis estates and, according to an anonymous letter critical of Lee and published in the New-York Tribune on June 24, 1859, keeping the s***es "harder at work than ever," with "no time given them" for "making a little now and then for themselves, as they were allowed to do during Mr. Custis's life." The s***e population, especially at Arlington, balked at Lee's new discipline, especially since a number were convinced that Custis had provided in his will for their immediate freedom. In a letter to A. E. S. Keese, dated April 28, 1858, Lee described how three of the Arlington s***es had "refused to obey my orders, & said that they were as free as I was," and attempted to run away. They were arrested in Maryland, he later told his son George Washington Custis Lee, "making their way to Pennsylvania," and Lee, at least according to a newspaper report, ordered them whipped and hired out. These difficulties required Lee to apply to the Alexandria County circuit court for an order confirming his authority to maintain the Custis s***es in bondage through the five-year term, until payment of the legacies and debts had been finished.
Emancipation in another form struck close to Lee in October 1859, with John Brown's raid at Harpers Ferry. Although Lee was still on leave, he was ordered by the secretary of war, John B. Floyd, to take command of a detachment of ninety U.S. Marines and suppress Brown's attempt to provoke a s***e uprising. Lee was able to capture Brown with surprisingly little resistance, and, in his report, dismissed the raid as "the plan […] of a fanatic or a madman that could only end in failure."
Lee returned to Texas in February 1860, just as the furor over the 1860 p**********l e******n was mounting. Lincoln was elected in November. The s***e states began seceding from the United States and in February 1861 formed a breakaway republic, the Confederate States of America. Lee was recalled from Texas by the U.S. Army's general-in-chief, Winfield Scott, but after Virginia joined the secessionists on April 17, 1861, Lee resigned his commission and instead took command of Virginia's state forces. Lee did so with serious reservations about the constitutionality of secession.
If you want to read more, here’s the link:
https://www.encyclopediavirginia.org/Lee_Robert_E_and_S***eryBTW, Guelzo is a nationally recognized authority on the US Civil War. He’s written several books and articles about various aspects of the Civil War and has been a “technical expert” on several movies and TV shows about the Civil War. As such, I’ll take his word over the word of your author, anytime.
As to those on here who said Lee did NOT own any s***es, you, too, need to brush-up on your American history. The “Lost Cause” is just that, a “lost cause.” So, actually, at various points in time, Lee DID own or had control over s***es; yet he disliked the institution of s***ery. He felt that b****s were of a lesser class and intelligence than w****s and that as s***es, b****s were better off, here, than even in Africa, except for Liberia.