(Continued from above)
All these untoward events might be accepted as the cost of the war, but only if the currency had enabled the Congress to bring the resources of the country to bear on the war effort. That, however, was emphatically not the case. On the contrary, the paper money plus the absence of significant taxation tended to disperse the resources of the country and the energies of the people. Congress and the states were continually short of money, whereas the populace had an abundance. In consequence, the production, t***sport, trading, and provision of goods and services were concentrated on the civilian population, and the armed forces received short shrift.
In the later stages of the war, as already noted, the army had to abandon the use of the paper money substantially and turn to direct methods to get goods and services. This was not only an inconvenient and inefficient method of gathering material but also made people resent the army. For example, here are reports of the situation in Virginia in 1781 — at a time when a major British army was concentrated there and Washington was about to win his greatest victory. An agent sent to impress t***sport reported: "I have been much perplexed, for after having impressed them, the owners of some, by themselves or others, have taken, in the nighttime, a wheel or something to render them useless; and I don’t recollect any law to punish them, if it could be proved." The Quartermaster wrote to the war office: "Let me entreat, sir, that something may be done to draw the people with their means of t***sportation into the service willingly. I find them so opposed to every measure that is oppressive that it is almost impossible to effect anything of consequence that way. Many of the teamsters upon the late occasion have deserted with their wagons after throwing their loads out at improper places…."37
Nor were taxes in kind a way to get goods where they were wanted. General Washington wrote to the President of Pennsylvania in 1782: "A great proportion of the specific articles have been wasted after the people have furnished them, and the t***sportation alone of what has reached the army has in numberless instances cost more than the value of the articles themselves."38 It is not difficult to explain why this was so. The commodities had been taken without reference to a particular need, had been stored where no army might appear, except by accident, and were often spoiled when they were wanted. By contrast with this poor form of barter, the market is an efficient and felicitous device when acceptable money is in circulation; the market tends to make the goods available where and when they are wanted, and money is flexible: it can call forth a variety of goods.
The American cause was not lost as a result of the inflation. It was won despite the inflation. But victory was almost certainly delayed for several years; much suffering resulted; and the people’s confidence had been sorely tried. Indeed, we have not finished yet in this work with the consequences of the inflation, for they followed into the Confederation period. But the lessons of the experience were not lost on the leaders of that generation. In time, they were used to try to prevent a recurrence of the mistakes. Unfortunately, we cannot report that these lessons are still remembered to the seventh generation.
Next: The American Triumph.
By: Clarence Carson
—FOOTNOTES—
¹ Curtis Nettels, The Emergence of a National Economy (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962), p. 42.
2 Quoted in Albert S. Bolles, The Financial History of the United States, I (New York: D. Appleton, 1896, 4th ed.), p. 208.
3 See Nettels, op. cit., p. 24.
4 See William G. Sumner, The Financier and the Finances of the American Revolution, I (New York: Dodd, Mead, and Co., 1891), p. 98. Sumner indicates that one estimate runs well over $300 millions, but that it includes reissues.
5 See John R. Alden, A History of the American Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969), p. 255.
6 See Bolles, op. cit., pp. 150-57.
7 Nettels, op. cit., p. 24.
8 Bolles, op. cit., p. 39.
9 Ibid., p. 43.
10 Ibid., p. 39.
11 Ibid., p. 193.
¹2 Nettels, op. cit., p. 24.
13 John C. Miller, Triumph of Freedom (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1948), p. 458.
¹4 Sumner, op. cit., p. 274.
¹5 Nettles, op. cit., p. 25.
¹6 Samuel E. Morison, The Oxford History of the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 230.
¹7 Bolles, op. cit., p. 260.
18 Ibid., pp. 121-22.
¹9 Sumner, op. cit., pp. 46-47.
²º Bolles, op. cit., p. 119.
²¹ Ibid., p. 121.
22 Sumner, op. cit., pp. 56-57. ²³ Ibid., p. 61.
²4 Bolles, op. cit., p. 68.
25 Ibid., p. 132.
26 See Sumner, op. cit., pp. 142-52.
27 Ibid., p. 239.
28 Bolles, op. cit., p. 139.
29 Ibid., p. 128.
30 Ibid., pp. 176-78.
3¹ Ibid., p. 216.
32 Ibid., p. 206.
33 Ibid.
34 Miller, op. cit., p. 463.
35 See Sumner, op. cit., p. 86.
36 Ibid., pp. 94-95.
37 Ibid., pp. 152-53.
38 Ibid., p. 243.
The Function of Price
The price system is the control board, the regulator, the thermostat — as it has been variously put — by which economic conduct is determined in a private-enterprise economy.
The guidance provided by prices has two main aspects. In the first place, by setting up judgments as to the significance of each factor the price system calls forth and allocates the available productive resources. Under the influence of price each factor flows into the channel which — according to the market’s evaluation —promises the greatest result. In the second place, through the same market appraisal that directs the utilization of productive factors, the price mechanism awards shares in output to those who furnish personal services of various kinds, to those who — by accumulating and investing — provide the tools, and to all others who make contributions in the opinion of the market. Moreover, prices chart the course of the consumer as he utilizes the general claim to output which has been awarded to him.
From Shirtsleeve Economics: A Commonsense Survey by William A. Paton
(Continued from above) br br All these untoward e... (
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