permafrost wrote:
NO, it is only what the trump troops wanted and not at all any sort of compromise bill , not even an attempt..
OK, a bit more of my opinion and no more of the orange wishes..
the article lists 5 main point in the bill.. 2 of which I feel have some merit..
But each of the other 3 would be more that adequate for me to refuse the bill all on its own words.. I will list those 3..
https://thehill.com/homenews/house/4390204-5-things-to-know-about-border-bill-hr2-gop-shutdown-threats/Build a wall while slashing immigrant services
H.R. 2 would require the federal government to wall off at least 900 miles of the U.S.’s roughly 2000-mile border with Mexico, resuming all Trump-era plans that were interrupted by the former president’s electoral defeat in 2020.
To do so, the bill would require the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to waive all legal requirements — such as environmental review or historical site review — to get the wall built as quickly as possible.
It also would offer $110 million per year to the border forces being set up by states including Texas, often in open defiance of the federal government — with money that would in part be balanced out by defunding any nonprofits that provide services to undocumented immigrants.
And it would require CBP to solicit policy recommendations specifically from those “negatively impacted by illegal immigration.”
The bill would further ban asylum-seekers who do make it out of detention from using their DHS-provided identification to get on a plane.
And it would revive long-ignored language from a 2006 bill that would allow DHS to close the border entirely if it determines doing so is necessary to block undocumented crossings.
In 2006, the George W. Bush administration passed the Secure Fence Act, which gave the DHS a sky-high goal for maintaining “operational control” over the southern border.
According to that act, “control” means “the prevention of all unlawful entries into the United States, including entries by terrorists, other unlawful aliens, instruments of terrorism, narcotics, and other contraband.”
This has never come anywhere close to being accomplished.
Ends protections for migrant children
H.R. 2 would roll back many protections for minors created under the Flores settlement, which resulted from a 1993 court case and has since guided federal immigration law, aside from a brief hiatus under Trump.
It would require DHS to reestablish family detention, and once again allow families with children to be detained indefinitely.
The bill would also make it far harder for unaccompanied migrant children to claim special immigrant juvenile status — something youth can currently claim if they can’t reunite with one or both parents, and which H.R. 2 would restrict to those whose parents have neglected or abandoned them.
It would also fast-track deportations of unaccompanied minors, lengthen the time that children can be held in adult facilities on the border from 3 to 30 days and bar states from creating licensing requirements for those border detention facilities — even in cases where state law should require such oversight.
And in a particularly stark move, H.R. 2 would require the Department of Health and Human Services to provide details on local sponsors of unaccompanied migrant children to DHS — and require DHS to begin deportation proceedings in 30 days if those adults are undocumented.
Doesn’t address legal immigration
Perhaps just as notable as what H.R.2 includes, however, is what it doesn’t: any path for citizenship, bolstering of pathways to legal immigration or alternative means of supporting a U.S. workforce — and particularly food system — that relies on undocumented labor.
In addition to not offering any expansion to the country’s sclerotic and backlogged legal immigration pathways, H.R. 2 wouldn’t provide funding to expand the capacity of official ports of entry — the only place where it would allow asylum claims to be made.
And GOP lawmakers including Rep. Chip Roy (R-Texas) have pushed to cut DHS’s funds if the Biden administration and the Senate don’t pass H.R. 2.
This lack of action on legal immigration stands out as even key Republican constituencies like the Chamber of Commerce, which is part of a vast array of state and national business groups — from the National Milk Producers Federation and the National Restaurant Association to Asphalt Roofing Manufacturers Association — call for comprehensive reform of the legal immigration system.
Shortly before H.R. 2 passed the House in May, these groups launched the so-called Legal Immigration and Border Enforcement Reform This Year campaign, which directly linked the wave of undocumented crossings to failures in the legal immigration system.
“Our legal immigration system has been outdated for decades, which has directly contributed to the significant security challenges on our southern border,” the groups wrote Congress.
The groups pushed for “significant” increases to legal immigrations, expanded scopes for essential worker programs and new visa programs — and argued that the math on immigration restrictions simply doesn’t add up.
“Right now, we have over 8.8 million jobs open in the U.S. and 5.8 million unemployed workers,” a Chamber report wrote.