microphor wrote:
Where the f you get something like that from? Your indoctonators.
Well let me tell you where the f I got that from. I'll tell you and all the other ignorant commenters on this thread.
This is not new, it's not a secret, Republicans have been de-funding public school across the nation. You should have been aware.
School's out forever: Arizona moves "to k**l public education" with new universal voucher law
Families who bail on public school will get $7,000 per kid in GOP's new scheme: "Every red state" urged to follow
By Kathryn Joyce
Published July 1, 2022 6:00AM (EDT)
Arizona Gov. Doug Ducey speaks during a rally for President Donald Trump at the International Air Response
Last Friday, while the country reeled from the Supreme Court overturning Roe v Wade, Arizona made history of a different sort. Legislators in the Grand Canyon State passed a universal school voucher bill that, once signed by Gov. Doug Ducey, will become the most wide-reaching school privatization plan in the country.
In his January State of the State address, Ducey called on Arizona lawmakers to send him bills that would "expand school choice any way we can," and the Republican-dominated legislature obliged, delivering last Friday's bill, which will open a preexisting program for Empowerment Scholarship Accounts (ESAs) up to the entire state. In practice, the law will now give parents who opt out of public schools a debit card for roughly $7,000 per child that can be used to pay for private school tuition, but also for much more: for religious schools, homeschool expenses, tutoring, online classes, education supplies and fees associated with "microschools," in which small groups of parents pool resources to hire teachers.
Ducey said the law had "set the gold standard in educational freedom" in the country, and right-wing politicians and education activists quickly agreed. Corey DeAngelis, the research director of Betsy DeVos' school privatization lobby group American Federation for Children, declared on Twitter that Arizona "just took first place" when it comes to school choice. Anti-critical race theory activist Christopher Rufo — the Manhattan Institute fellow who this spring called for fostering "universal public school distrust" in order to build support for "universal school choice" — tweeted, "Every red state in the country should follow [Ducey's] lead," since the law "gives every family a right to exit any public school that fails to educate their children or reflect their values."
From the American Enterprise Institute, education researcher Max Eden happily concluded that "Arizona now funds students, not systems," deploying a formulation that has become common among conservative education activists, as when last week the Moms for Liberty network chastised Arizona public school advocates who opposed the bill as "system advocates" rather than "education advocates." From Rhode Island, anti-CRT activist Nicole Solas, a fellow with the right-wing Independent Women's Forum, tweeted, "You know what happens when you abuse people? People leave you. Bye, public school."
And back in Arizona, the Goldwater Institute, a libertarian think tank founded in honor of former senator and right-wing icon Barry Goldwater, celebrated the law it had done much to create as a "major victory for families wary of a one-size-fits-all approach to education," plus a cost-saving measure to boot, since the total funding parents would receive through ESA vouchers is $4,000 less than Arizona's already paltry per-pupil funding for public schools.
By contrast, Democratic politicians and public education advocates described the law as the potential "nail in the coffin" for public schools in Arizona, as Beth Lewis, director of Save Our Schools Arizona (SOS Arizona) put it.
"The Republican universal voucher system is designed to k**l public education," tweeted former Arizona House Rep. Diego Rodriguez. "OUR nation's greatness is built on free Public schools. The GOP goal is to recreate segregation, expand the opportunity gap, and destroy the foundation of our democracy."
"I think it's a very serious mistake and the result will be that, within a decade, Arizona will have a very, very poorly educated adult population," added Carol Corbett Burris, executive director of the Network for Public Education. "Maybe that's the game."
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For years, SOS Arizona says, their state has been treated as a "laboratory for predatory national privatizers" of education. When Betsy DeVos founded another of her advocacy groups, Alliance for School Choice, on the 50th anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, as the progressive White Hat Research & Policy Group noted in a 2019 report, it was headquartered in Phoenix. When the Network for Public Education graded states' commitment to public education in a "report card" earlier this year, Arizona came in last. For years, the Goldwater Institute and its allies have advanced an array of programs to expand public funding of private schools, including, in 2011, shepherding the country's first-ever ESA program into law, and thus launching a national model.
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The 2011 Arizona law that created ESAs — under which parents of eligible students who agreed in writing to opt out of public schools could receive vouchers ranging from $3,000 to more than $30,000 — was initially conceived in reaction to a conservative defeat. In 2006, just a few years after DeVos infamously called on conservative Christians to adopt "school choice" as a cause and a means of "greater Kingdom gain," Arizona passed two voucher programs. But three years later, both were found to be unconstitutional means of redirecting public funds to private schools.
In response, the Goldwater Institute developed the ESA concept as a workaround, giving the public funds directly to parents to spend as they saw fit, including on sectarian schools. (While in Arizona, "ESA" refers to Empowerment Scholarship Accounts, the same abbreviation is also used to cover similar programs with different titles, like "education scholarship accounts.") To public education advocates like Charles Siler, cofounder of the progressive political consultancy firm Agave Strategy, the program amounted to "a money laundering scheme to get around the Blaine Amendments" — the state-level amendments that, until another groundbreaking SCOTUS decision last week, barred taxpayer funds in most states from being used to fund religious schools.
But that's not how it was sold. From its inception, says Lewis, ESAs were presented as a solution for high-needs students who required specialized education options. Then they were systematically expanded to include group after group: students in F-rated schools, in foster care, in active-duty military families, on Native American reservations.
"The people who were pushing this through knew what they were doing — that they were going to expand this incrementally through sympathetic populations," said Lewis. "And it didn't raise huge amounts of opposition because people didn't see the game plan at the time."
"The basic sales pitch was that schools are failing, and don't meet the needs of children," agreed Siler. While today Siler is a progressive public education advocate, a decade ago he worked as a lobbyist and PR staffer for the Goldwater Institute, helping other states follow Arizona's lead in setting up ESA programs. "We definitely leaned into marginalized communities as much as we could. In Arizona, we started with special needs students. If we could use Black children as the face of our programs, we'd do it in a heartbeat, even though all of this is really about taxpayer-funded white flight and Christian nationalism."
"If we could use Black children as the face of our programs, we'd do it in a heartbeat, even though this is really about taxpayer-funded white flight and Christian nationalism."
To demonstrate that point, Siler pointed to one of the figures who drove ESA and other conservative school privatization campaigns for years: Clint Bolick, who, before being appointed by Ducey as an Arizona Supreme Court associate justice, served as the Goldwater Institute's director of litigation, the first president of DeVos' Alliance for School Choice and cofounder of the Arizona libertarian law firm Institute for Justice. In the late 1990s, the New York Times dubbed Bolick the "political right's point man on race," for his two-year fight against the Civil Rights Act of 1991, his campaign against affirmative action and his work to scuttle the Department of Justice nomination of the late Lani Guinier, the first Black woman to be tenured at Harvard Law School, by labeling her a "quota queen." More recently, the White Hat report described Bolick's legacy as "primarily focused on laying the legal groundwork for a national disinvestment in public education in favor of free market education reforms."
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But in 2017, says Lewis, Arizona's education privatizers overreached, passing a law providing for universal voucher expansion. In response, a grassroots group of educators and parents launched a citizens' initiative referendum campaign and put the issue on the b****t. In 2018, that led to a landslide repudiation of the law, with 65% of Arizonans v****g against it — a nearly two-to-one margin.
As Arizona Republic columnist Laurie Roberts recently recalled, Arizona's v**ers "didn't just reject" the scheme: "They stoned the thing, then they tossed it in the street and ran over it. Then they backed up and ran over it again."
That came as a rude shock for the privatization movement, says Siler. "They thought Arizona was this playground where you could do wh**ever you want, see what works, then export it to Florida, Tennessee or wherever. This was the first time they had a big loss." But the win came with its own repercussions, Siler continued, as conservatives responded by taking steps to overhaul the citizen initiative process in Arizona, working to disqualify some b****t initiatives in court and crafting legislation that required new supermajorities to pass an initiative into law.
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Now, less than four years after that public rejection of universal vouchers, Lewis says, Republican lawmakers have returned with a law that's even worse than the one passed in 2017, immediately making every child in the state who is already in private school or being homeschooled eligible for the new funds — leading to an immediate cost increase of nearly $600 million, and opening the door for all of Arizona's 1.1 million public school students to follow suit.
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Since Arizona pioneered ESAs in 2011, similar programs have been launched in a number of other states. Among conservative education reform advocates, they've become a favored model. Last July, as the right was ramping up its attacks on public schools over p******c safety measures, CRT and more, the AEI's Max Eden warned that simply allowing public funding of private schools was an insufficient bulwark against "wokeness," since too many private schools were under the sway of accreditation bodies that had already "gone woke." Instead, Eden told the right-wing outlet Washington Free Beacon, state legislatures should promote ESAs, which would allow those funds to be spent on non-accredited schools — or almost anything else, for that matter.
In praising Arizona's new law this week, Eden wrote that ESAs represent "the purest form of school choice," adding that they might spark the proliferation of microschools, opening what had been a "luxury good" for wealthy families during the p******c to all Arizona families. He praised entrepreneurs who had t***sformed small microschool pods into companies that now offer their curricula of "self-paced Chromebook lessons and group problem-based learning" to the broader public, as well as established charter school networks, like the Texas- and Arizona-based Great Hearts Academy, that have expanded into the microschool business. (In 2018, Great Hearts drew national headlines after one of its Texas instructors directed students to list the pros and cons of s***ery.) Eden also suggested that ESA-funded microschools might become a boon for teachers, since educators who go freelance and successfully advertise their services to the parents of a dozen kids, could potentially "draw nearly $80,000 in public funding," amounting to a higher salary than the median public school teacher pay, even after deducting their expenses.
But what Eden heralded as the entrepreneurial reboot of "the one-room schoolhouse" in private families' homes is seen in grimmer terms by public school advocates. Both microschools and the sorts of private schools fueled by widespread voucher use, they say, tend to leave the quality of education students receive largely up to chance.
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"It's easy to set up a one-room shop in a strip mall, give every kid a Chromebook and a plaid skirt, and tell parents they're on an accelerated curriculum." And it's just as easy for those schools to "close up shop whenever they want."
In Florida, as a 2017 Orlando Sentinel investigation found, massive voucher expansion led to the creation of low-cost but low-quality "voucher schools": private schools inexpensive enough that low-income parents could cover their tuition with voucher funds alone, but so poorly regulated that repeated problems arose — schools set up in decrepit strip malls, schools that violated health and safety requirements, schools that hired teachers without credentials. The same situation holds in Arizona, said Lewis, and even a Goldwater Institute report found that ESA benefits would only cover about two-thirds of the median tuition for the state's private high schools.
While the words "private school" conjure an image of stone and ivy in most people's minds, in school districts like South Phoenix, which primarily serves low-income families of color, Lewis said, "you're not going to all of a sudden have a gleaming new Notre Dame prep school."
End of part one