Giuliani-Style 'Shadow' Diplomacy: Par for the Course of U.S. History
Oct 23, 2019 23:50:53 #
'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>
Oct 24, 2019 01:00:54 #
[quote=Blade_Runner]'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
The outrageous hypocrisy should be staggering. Unfortunately is normal everyday behavior for the left.
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
The outrageous hypocrisy should be staggering. Unfortunately is normal everyday behavior for the left.
Oct 24, 2019 01:02:28 #
Peewee
Loc: San Antonio, TX
[quote=Blade_Runner]'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
I always learn something from you Blade. I consider you a trustworthy advisor.
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
I always learn something from you Blade. I consider you a trustworthy advisor.
Oct 24, 2019 01:33:14 #
[quote=Blade_Runner]'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”[/quote]
Interesting read...
I have no doubt of it...
Thanks
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”[/quote]
Interesting read...
I have no doubt of it...
Thanks
Oct 24, 2019 09:27:52 #
Oct 24, 2019 11:31:09 #
[quote=Blade_Runner]'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
Amen and Amen
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
Amen and Amen
Oct 24, 2019 12:29:55 #
Blade_Runner wrote:
===============
Great history lesson.
Now history has proven with precedents of executive privileges that had been exercised by prior presidents like George Washington, Roosevelt, Clinton, Wilson.
One of the purposes is to be able to obtain best results that could identify systemic problems, and allowing to provide effective solutions to those problems. And thus president Trump used his executive privilege to hiring private party who he believed could deliver the best results to his expectations.
Prior executive privileges like this have never been questioned. And the latest one for example was that of Jesse Jackson who pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Another one of that was Richardson hired by Clinton.
The job of Giuliani is no different than those prior parties assigned via executive privileges of the president. President Trump trusted that Giuliani is the best person to effectively accomplish his expectations.
Anything that president Trump does is controversial to the media, and to the whole l*****t government because their objectives are finding the president guilty of everything he does, in order to remove him from office.
The fact of the matter is president Trump has executive privileges that prior presidents had similarly done.
Robert Giuliani had accomplished the mission expected by the president for identifying the problems, to providing solutions to the ongoing problems about diplomatic corruptions left by the Obama administration. And the LIBS wanted that covered up.
Oct 24, 2019 18:09:36 #
[quote=Blade_Runner]'Shadow' Diplomacy': A history
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
I could have told you that Ukraine was one of the countries that meddled in our e******n. I was working with Angry Patriot then he was really a sergeant. Name a country, they probably were helping or trying to help Bill's Mistress get elected but all failed.
Rudolph Giuliani didn’t hide the fact that he was investigating whether Ukraine interfered in the 2016 U.S. p**********l race. Yet most media have treated Giuliani’s efforts as sneaky and suspect because he acted at the personal behest of the president and not as an official representative of the bureaucracy. The New York Times, for example, claimed Giuliani was conducting “a shadow foreign policy campaign.”
In fact, presidents since George Washington have turned to individuals without formal government positions to pursue foreign policy interests and objectives. Private citizens, often acting as special envoys, have helped negotiate issues ranging from trade to war. While critics deride such efforts as “back-door,” “secret,” or “shadow” undertakings, many presidents have found it useful to dispatch people they trust, who can think and operate outside the constraints of official channels in handling delicate matters.
Private representatives were essential in the early days of the republic in part because the federal government was small. During his first year in office, President Washington wrote to one of the Founders most responsible for penning the Constitution, Gouverneur Morris, who was on business in France. The president said he needed to know the “sentiments and intentions of the court of London” toward “a treaty of commerce.” Washington was looking for someone who could act with subtlety: “It appears to me most expedient to have these inquiries made informally, by a private agent.” Washington told Morris he looked forward to “the result of your agency.”
Franklin D. Roosevelt called kitchen cabinet adviser Harry Hopkins “the perfect ambassador for my purposes” after sending Hopkins on wartime missions to Great Britain and the Soviet Union. “He doesn’t even know the meaning of the word ‘protocol,’’’ FDR added. “When he sees a piece of red tape, he just pulls out those old garden shears of his and snips it.”
In modern times, Jesse Jackson pursued freelance foreign policy for decades before President Clinton made him Special Envoy for the Promotion of Democracy in Africa. Armand Hammer used his far-flung business interests to facilitate his “citizen diplomacy.” Although Hammer was particularly solicitous of the Soviet Union, presidents including Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan tolerated – or more than tolerated -- his personal diplomacy. Reagan once wrote Hammer, ''I value your insights on our policy toward the Soviet Union.” Clinton turned to Congressman Bill Richardson to be his “informal undersecretary for thugs,” as Richardson jokingly referred to himself, negotiating with dictators in places such as Iraq, Cuba, North Korea, and Haiti.
By the 20th century, presidents had far more institutional assets to rely on, but continued to look to independent diplomats to pursue their policies. During the early days of World War I, before America’s entry into the conflict in Europe, President Woodrow Wilson was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan. (Wilson and his top diplomat disagreed about what a policy of neutrality entailed; when a German U-boat sank the Lusitania, Bryan resigned over the president’s response). Wilson’s thinking, however, was in sync with that of Texas businessman Edward M. House, a friend and adviser who was so close that they had their own telegraph code. “You are the only one in the world to whom I can open my mind freely,” Wilson told House.
In both 1915 and 1916, Wilson sent House to Britain, Germany and France on peace-seeking missions. After the armistice he had a more formal role as a U.S. delegate at the talks that led to the Treaty of Versailles.
Edwar M. House: He became Woodrow Wilson's go-to envoy because the President was at odds with his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan.
The next president would also rely on an informal diplomat. Republicans were split, after the war, between internationalists and those who would keep America out of European entanglements. Warren G. Harding faced a Congress of his own party, but which largely opposed sending ambassadors who would get the U.S. mired in negotiations over such things as war r********ns. Throughout the 1920s, Republican presidents would avoid conflict with Republican lawmakers by relying on freelancers.
Among them was James A. Logan Jr. According to historian John M. Carroll, “[i]t was Logan, and unofficial diplomats like him, who made it possible for the United States to carry out a constructive foreign policy of involvement in European affairs during the 1920s.” Carroll argues this arrangement wasn’t just expedient but had advantages over the stiff traditions of the striped-trouser crowd: “In general, Logan, not restrained by the usual diplomatic protocol, won the confidence of European as well as American leaders through his forthright and candid reports and conversations.”
The most influential and consequential of the informal diplomats would come in Franklin Roosevelt’s presidency. After running several New Deal agencies and doing a stint as secretary of commerce, Harry Hopkins settled into a role even more powerful – p**********l confidant. “Everything has to seep through Harry Hopkins into the White House,” complained Cabinet member Harold Ickes. “It is bad for the country to get the impression that any one person, no matter how strong and able he may be, is sharing in the President’s councils to the exclusion of all others and perhaps influencing his judgment unduly.”
<SNIP>[/quote]
I could have told you that Ukraine was one of the countries that meddled in our e******n. I was working with Angry Patriot then he was really a sergeant. Name a country, they probably were helping or trying to help Bill's Mistress get elected but all failed.
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