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Starr Report veteran says Trump's crimes are 'thousand-fold' worse
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May 2, 2019 10:18:09   #
slatten49 Loc: Lake Whitney, Texas
 
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.

In an interview with the Yahoo News podcast “Skullduggery,” Paul Rosenzweig, who served as a senior counsel to Ken Starr, said that a “significant number” of his former colleagues from the independent counsel office share his views — although notably not Starr himself.

“My view is that there’s ample reason right now for the House Judiciary Committee to begin an impeachment inquiry … and if it were up to me, I would recommend them to impeach,” said Rosenzweig. “I mean, if I were called to testify today at the first of those hearings, I would say that Trump’s obstruction of justice and frankly, more importantly, Trump’s dereliction of duty in failing to address the issue of Russian interference in our e*******l processes, are by themselves grounds for his impeachment.

“Add to that, his recalcitrance in responding to Mueller and his stonewalling of congressional investigations and the case becomes … much more compelling than that which attended the [impeachment] recommendation with respect to Clinton,” Rosenzweig added.

The views of Rosenzweig and others on Starr’s team could be a factor in the debate as House Democrats weigh whether to formally initiate an impeachment inquiry into the president. The Starr report’s referral to Congress in September 1998 outlined 11 possible grounds for impeachment of Clinton growing out of his attempts to conceal his sexual affair with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky. Five of the recommended articles accused Clinton of attempting to obstruct justice; a sixth asserted that he failed to fulfill his constitutional duty “to faithfully execute the laws” by, among other actions, invoking “groundless” executive privilege claims to try and prevent some of his aides from testifying.

It is a pattern of conduct that, as Rosenzweig sees it, has been repeated in spades by Trump.

The Starr referral cited — as evidence of obstruction — Clinton’s refusal to be questioned by Starr’s prosecutors for seven months — thereby delaying the Lewinsky investigation until the independent counsel threatened the president with a subpoena.

Trump refused to be questioned by Mueller at all, agreeing only to answer written questions relating to issues that arose during the 2016 campaign, but none at all relating to his conduct as president. After reviewing those responses, Mueller’s team found them “inadequate” and sought to follow up with additional questions — a request that Trump refused.

Another of the potential articles of impeachment Starr referred to Congress cited, as evidence of obstruction, Clinton’s lies to his staff denying any relationship with Lewinsky, contending that those lies were then repeated by those aides to the grand jury and the public. But Mueller found that Trump did more than that: He directed aides, former deputy national security adviser K.T. McFarland and former White House counsel Don McGahn, to write false memos that could be used to mislead investigators.

Rosenzweig noted that, at the time, he viewed one of the more serious abuses by Clinton his questioning of his secretary, Betty Currie, the day after he denied having sexual relations with Lewinsky during his civil deposition in the Paula Jones sexual harassment lawsuit. Calling her to the White House on a Sunday, Clinton asked Currie a series of leading questions intended to bolster his denial of a relationship with Lewinsky and potentially shape her testimony, making comments to her along the lines of “you could see and hear everything” when he met with Lewinsky and “we were never really alone.”

These comments, Rosenzweig said, amounted to “one of the most palpably aggressive efforts to control the narrative, tamper with witnesses, create a false impression for the American people and a false impression for the investigation,” Rosenzweig said.

But, he added, “Trump’s efforts are blunter by a thousand-fold. He doesn’t even have the sophistication and subtlety of former President Clinton.

Rosenzweig pointed to Trump’s directive to McGahn to fire Mueller — an order that, according to Mueller, McGahn refused to carry out, fearing a repeat of the infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” in which special prosecutor Archibald Cox was fired on President Richard Nixon’s orders — after the two top Justice Department officials resigned in protest. When the New York Times later broke the story of Trump’s directive, the president, according to the Mueller report, called in McGahn and ordered him to write a memo denying that Trump ever gave such an order. But McGahn refused to do so.

As Rosenzweig noted, Trump didn’t just ask leading questions of McGahn intended to influence his testimony, as Clinton did with Currie. He didn’t say to McGahn, “I didn’t really try to fire him, ask you to fire him, did I?” Instead, “It’s, no. Create a false memo.”

Rosenzweig noted that, “to be fair,” the House didn’t “ultimately adopt many of the proposed obstruction of justice counts recommended by Starr. But, he said, Trump’s more recent decision to invoke executive privilege over his conversations with McGahn to prevent him from testifying before the House Judiciary Committee on its own echoes the impeachment investigation into Nixon. Among the three articles of impeachment passed by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 was one accusing him of “contempt of Congress” for failing to comply with “duly authorized” subpoenas from the panel.

All of this, said Rosenzweig, has resonated with his former colleagues on Starr’s staff who pushed for the impeachment of Clinton. “We’ve been talking, a number of us. I would say that there are a significant number of them who see Trump's activities as worse,” he said.

The most notable exception, of course, has been Starr himself who, after the Mueller report was released, praised Trump on Fox and Friends his “unprecedented cooperation” with Mueller’s probe.

Calling Starr a “long and good friend,” Rosenzweig said, “I’m reluctant to criticize him and I’m reluctant to say he sold out. I would say I don’t agree with his analysis and I would love an opportunity to talk with him in some detail about how he could possibly reach a conclusion that seems to me quite fairly contrary to what he said 20 years ago.”

Reply
May 2, 2019 10:57:21   #
bahmer
 
slatten49 wrote:
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.

In an interview with the Yahoo News podcast “Skullduggery,” Paul Rosenzweig, who served as a senior counsel to Ken Starr, said that a “significant number” of his former colleagues from the independent counsel office share his views — although notably not Starr himself.

“My view is that there’s ample reason right now for the House Judiciary Committee to begin an impeachment inquiry … and if it were up to me, I would recommend them to impeach,” said Rosenzweig. “I mean, if I were called to testify today at the first of those hearings, I would say that Trump’s obstruction of justice and frankly, more importantly, Trump’s dereliction of duty in failing to address the issue of Russian interference in our e*******l processes, are by themselves grounds for his impeachment.

“Add to that, his recalcitrance in responding to Mueller and his stonewalling of congressional investigations and the case becomes … much more compelling than that which attended the [impeachment] recommendation with respect to Clinton,” Rosenzweig added.

The views of Rosenzweig and others on Starr’s team could be a factor in the debate as House Democrats weigh whether to formally initiate an impeachment inquiry into the president. The Starr report’s referral to Congress in September 1998 outlined 11 possible grounds for impeachment of Clinton growing out of his attempts to conceal his sexual affair with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky. Five of the recommended articles accused Clinton of attempting to obstruct justice; a sixth asserted that he failed to fulfill his constitutional duty “to faithfully execute the laws” by, among other actions, invoking “groundless” executive privilege claims to try and prevent some of his aides from testifying.

It is a pattern of conduct that, as Rosenzweig sees it, has been repeated in spades by Trump.

The Starr referral cited — as evidence of obstruction — Clinton’s refusal to be questioned by Starr’s prosecutors for seven months — thereby delaying the Lewinsky investigation until the independent counsel threatened the president with a subpoena.

Trump refused to be questioned by Mueller at all, agreeing only to answer written questions relating to issues that arose during the 2016 campaign, but none at all relating to his conduct as president. After reviewing those responses, Mueller’s team found them “inadequate” and sought to follow up with additional questions — a request that Trump refused.

Another of the potential articles of impeachment Starr referred to Congress cited, as evidence of obstruction, Clinton’s lies to his staff denying any relationship with Lewinsky, contending that those lies were then repeated by those aides to the grand jury and the public. But Mueller found that Trump did more than that: He directed aides, former deputy national security adviser K.T. McFarland and former White House counsel Don McGahn, to write false memos that could be used to mislead investigators.

Rosenzweig noted that, at the time, he viewed one of the more serious abuses by Clinton his questioning of his secretary, Betty Currie, the day after he denied having sexual relations with Lewinsky during his civil deposition in the Paula Jones sexual harassment lawsuit. Calling her to the White House on a Sunday, Clinton asked Currie a series of leading questions intended to bolster his denial of a relationship with Lewinsky and potentially shape her testimony, making comments to her along the lines of “you could see and hear everything” when he met with Lewinsky and “we were never really alone.”

These comments, Rosenzweig said, amounted to “one of the most palpably aggressive efforts to control the narrative, tamper with witnesses, create a false impression for the American people and a false impression for the investigation,” Rosenzweig said.

But, he added, “Trump’s efforts are blunter by a thousand-fold. He doesn’t even have the sophistication and subtlety of former President Clinton.

Rosenzweig pointed to Trump’s directive to McGahn to fire Mueller — an order that, according to Mueller, McGahn refused to carry out, fearing a repeat of the infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” in which special prosecutor Archibald Cox was fired on President Richard Nixon’s orders — after the two top Justice Department officials resigned in protest. When the New York Times later broke the story of Trump’s directive, the president, according to the Mueller report, called in McGahn and ordered him to write a memo denying that Trump ever gave such an order. But McGahn refused to do so.

As Rosenzweig noted, Trump didn’t just ask leading questions of McGahn intended to influence his testimony, as Clinton did with Currie. He didn’t say to McGahn, “I didn’t really try to fire him, ask you to fire him, did I?” Instead, “It’s, no. Create a false memo.”

Rosenzweig noted that, “to be fair,” the House didn’t “ultimately adopt many of the proposed obstruction of justice counts recommended by Starr. But, he said, Trump’s more recent decision to invoke executive privilege over his conversations with McGahn to prevent him from testifying before the House Judiciary Committee on its own echoes the impeachment investigation into Nixon. Among the three articles of impeachment passed by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 was one accusing him of “contempt of Congress” for failing to comply with “duly authorized” subpoenas from the panel.

All of this, said Rosenzweig, has resonated with his former colleagues on Starr’s staff who pushed for the impeachment of Clinton. “We’ve been talking, a number of us. I would say that there are a significant number of them who see Trump's activities as worse,” he said.

The most notable exception, of course, has been Starr himself who, after the Mueller report was released, praised Trump on Fox and Friends his “unprecedented cooperation” with Mueller’s probe.

Calling Starr a “long and good friend,” Rosenzweig said, “I’m reluctant to criticize him and I’m reluctant to say he sold out. I would say I don’t agree with his analysis and I would love an opportunity to talk with him in some detail about how he could possibly reach a conclusion that seems to me quite fairly contrary to what he said 20 years ago.”
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019 br br A member of... (show quote)


Well that is one view and I am sure that the way the democrats are salivating about impeaching President Donald Trump that they will jump on this bandwagon like flies on poop. Oh well we lived with Obama for eight long years get used to it and you only have six more to go and you will probably get your wish of a democrat in the white house.

Reply
May 2, 2019 11:12:02   #
MR Mister Loc: Washington DC
 
slatten49 wrote:
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.

In an interview with the Yahoo News podcast “Skullduggery,” Paul Rosenzweig, who served as a senior counsel to Ken Starr, said that a “significant number” of his former colleagues from the independent counsel office share his views — although notably not Starr himself.

“My view is that there’s ample reason right now for the House Judiciary Committee to begin an impeachment inquiry … and if it were up to me, I would recommend them to impeach,” said Rosenzweig. “I mean, if I were called to testify today at the first of those hearings, I would say that Trump’s obstruction of justice and frankly, more importantly, Trump’s dereliction of duty in failing to address the issue of Russian interference in our e*******l processes, are by themselves grounds for his impeachment.

“Add to that, his recalcitrance in responding to Mueller and his stonewalling of congressional investigations and the case becomes … much more compelling than that which attended the [impeachment] recommendation with respect to Clinton,” Rosenzweig added.

The views of Rosenzweig and others on Starr’s team could be a factor in the debate as House Democrats weigh whether to formally initiate an impeachment inquiry into the president. The Starr report’s referral to Congress in September 1998 outlined 11 possible grounds for impeachment of Clinton growing out of his attempts to conceal his sexual affair with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky. Five of the recommended articles accused Clinton of attempting to obstruct justice; a sixth asserted that he failed to fulfill his constitutional duty “to faithfully execute the laws” by, among other actions, invoking “groundless” executive privilege claims to try and prevent some of his aides from testifying.

It is a pattern of conduct that, as Rosenzweig sees it, has been repeated in spades by Trump.

The Starr referral cited — as evidence of obstruction — Clinton’s refusal to be questioned by Starr’s prosecutors for seven months — thereby delaying the Lewinsky investigation until the independent counsel threatened the president with a subpoena.

Trump refused to be questioned by Mueller at all, agreeing only to answer written questions relating to issues that arose during the 2016 campaign, but none at all relating to his conduct as president. After reviewing those responses, Mueller’s team found them “inadequate” and sought to follow up with additional questions — a request that Trump refused.

Another of the potential articles of impeachment Starr referred to Congress cited, as evidence of obstruction, Clinton’s lies to his staff denying any relationship with Lewinsky, contending that those lies were then repeated by those aides to the grand jury and the public. But Mueller found that Trump did more than that: He directed aides, former deputy national security adviser K.T. McFarland and former White House counsel Don McGahn, to write false memos that could be used to mislead investigators.

Rosenzweig noted that, at the time, he viewed one of the more serious abuses by Clinton his questioning of his secretary, Betty Currie, the day after he denied having sexual relations with Lewinsky during his civil deposition in the Paula Jones sexual harassment lawsuit. Calling her to the White House on a Sunday, Clinton asked Currie a series of leading questions intended to bolster his denial of a relationship with Lewinsky and potentially shape her testimony, making comments to her along the lines of “you could see and hear everything” when he met with Lewinsky and “we were never really alone.”

These comments, Rosenzweig said, amounted to “one of the most palpably aggressive efforts to control the narrative, tamper with witnesses, create a false impression for the American people and a false impression for the investigation,” Rosenzweig said.

But, he added, “Trump’s efforts are blunter by a thousand-fold. He doesn’t even have the sophistication and subtlety of former President Clinton.

Rosenzweig pointed to Trump’s directive to McGahn to fire Mueller — an order that, according to Mueller, McGahn refused to carry out, fearing a repeat of the infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” in which special prosecutor Archibald Cox was fired on President Richard Nixon’s orders — after the two top Justice Department officials resigned in protest. When the New York Times later broke the story of Trump’s directive, the president, according to the Mueller report, called in McGahn and ordered him to write a memo denying that Trump ever gave such an order. But McGahn refused to do so.

As Rosenzweig noted, Trump didn’t just ask leading questions of McGahn intended to influence his testimony, as Clinton did with Currie. He didn’t say to McGahn, “I didn’t really try to fire him, ask you to fire him, did I?” Instead, “It’s, no. Create a false memo.”

Rosenzweig noted that, “to be fair,” the House didn’t “ultimately adopt many of the proposed obstruction of justice counts recommended by Starr. But, he said, Trump’s more recent decision to invoke executive privilege over his conversations with McGahn to prevent him from testifying before the House Judiciary Committee on its own echoes the impeachment investigation into Nixon. Among the three articles of impeachment passed by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 was one accusing him of “contempt of Congress” for failing to comply with “duly authorized” subpoenas from the panel.

All of this, said Rosenzweig, has resonated with his former colleagues on Starr’s staff who pushed for the impeachment of Clinton. “We’ve been talking, a number of us. I would say that there are a significant number of them who see Trump's activities as worse,” he said.

The most notable exception, of course, has been Starr himself who, after the Mueller report was released, praised Trump on Fox and Friends his “unprecedented cooperation” with Mueller’s probe.

Calling Starr a “long and good friend,” Rosenzweig said, “I’m reluctant to criticize him and I’m reluctant to say he sold out. I would say I don’t agree with his analysis and I would love an opportunity to talk with him in some detail about how he could possibly reach a conclusion that seems to me quite fairly contrary to what he said 20 years ago.”
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019 br br A member of... (show quote)


Talk is cheap, they should point out any crimes they think are there.
The left has twisted logic.

Reply
 
 
May 2, 2019 11:52:32   #
slatten49 Loc: Lake Whitney, Texas
 
bahmer wrote:
Well that is one view and I am sure that the way the democrats are salivating about impeaching President Donald Trump that they will jump on this bandwagon like flies on poop. Oh well we lived with Obama for eight long years get used to it and you only have six more to go and you will probably get your wish of a democrat in the white house.

True enough, my friend, that is their "one view." But, that view is from of a group of republicans who were formerly united in their attempt to impeach former President Clinton. And, their description of a "thousand-fold" worse scenario does grab ones attention.

Regarding President Trump's time in office...as with virtually everything, time will tell.

Reply
May 2, 2019 12:01:15   #
Blade_Runner Loc: DARK SIDE OF THE MOON
 
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.”


.



Reply
May 2, 2019 12:12:32   #
slatten49 Loc: Lake Whitney, Texas
 
Blade_Runner wrote:
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.”

.

"A well-developed sense of humor is the pole that adds balance to your steps as you walk the tightrope of life." -- William Arthur Ward

Reply
May 2, 2019 12:45:30   #
bahmer
 
slatten49 wrote:
True enough, my friend, that is their "one view." But, that view is from of a group of republicans who were formerly united in their attempt to impeach former President Clinton. And, their description of a "thousand-fold" worse scenario does grab ones attention.

Regarding President Trump's time in office...as with virtually everything, time will tell.
True enough, my friend, that is their "one vi... (show quote)


I always thought that the impeachment proceedings were at the vary least frivolous against Clinton. We have had other presidents that were womanizers and if that was a high crime and misdemeanor it was never spelled out that way in our constitution. We have I guess become a country of h**e and not a country of laws and respect for the fellow human being. It is a shame on how far down the rabbit hole we have gone as a country. Many times in the past the president wasn't the one that both sides wanted but they at least worked together unlike now where we are trying to destroy the other parties president instead of working for we the people. What happens when both sides are in a Mexican standoff. Nothing gets done that should get done and the people of this great country are the looser's.

Reply
 
 
May 2, 2019 13:39:44   #
Carol Kelly
 
bahmer wrote:
Well that is one view and I am sure that the way the democrats are salivating about impeaching President Donald Trump that they will jump on this bandwagon like flies on poop. Oh well we lived with Obama for eight long years get used to it and you only have six more to go and you will probably get your wish of a democrat in the white house.


Praise the Lord, I won’t be here to see that but my poor grandchildren and great grandchildren will reap the misery. I’m sorry.

Reply
May 2, 2019 13:44:40   #
slatten49 Loc: Lake Whitney, Texas
 
bahmer wrote:
I always thought that the impeachment proceedings were at the vary least frivolous against Clinton. We have had other presidents that were womanizers and if that was a high crime and misdemeanor it was never spelled out that way in our constitution. We have I guess become a country of h**e and not a country of laws and respect for the fellow human being. It is a shame on how far down the rabbit hole we have gone as a country. Many times in the past the president wasn't the one that both sides wanted but they at least worked together unlike now where we are trying to destroy the other parties president instead of working for we the people. What happens when both sides are in a Mexican standoff. Nothing gets done that should get done and the people of this great country are the looser's.
I always thought that the impeachment proceedings ... (show quote)

Impressive post, Bahmer. There is much t***h in what you write here.

Reply
May 2, 2019 13:52:00   #
bahmer
 
slatten49 wrote:
Impressive post, Bahmer. There is much t***h in what you write here.


Just trying to shore up my end of the discussion is all.

Reply
May 2, 2019 14:14:07   #
slatten49 Loc: Lake Whitney, Texas
 
bahmer wrote:
Just trying to shore up my end of the discussion is all.

Presumably, "to the Shores of Tripoli."

Reply
 
 
May 2, 2019 14:15:53   #
bahmer
 
slatten49 wrote:
Presumably, "to the Shores of Tripoli."


Amen and Amen

Reply
May 2, 2019 20:30:32   #
Canuckus Deploracus Loc: North of the wall
 
bahmer wrote:
I always thought that the impeachment proceedings were at the vary least frivolous against Clinton. We have had other presidents that were womanizers and if that was a high crime and misdemeanor it was never spelled out that way in our constitution. We have I guess become a country of h**e and not a country of laws and respect for the fellow human being. It is a shame on how far down the rabbit hole we have gone as a country. Many times in the past the president wasn't the one that both sides wanted but they at least worked together unlike now where we are trying to destroy the other parties president instead of working for we the people. What happens when both sides are in a Mexican standoff. Nothing gets done that should get done and the people of this great country are the looser's.
I always thought that the impeachment proceedings ... (show quote)


Well said...

I was young during the Clinton years... But could never understand what the big deal was... In recent years I have come to think more seriously of the act of adultery (being married will do that to a guy ) but still think he was treated poorly...

Reply
May 2, 2019 20:31:13   #
Canuckus Deploracus Loc: North of the wall
 
slatten49 wrote:
"A well-developed sense of humor is the pole that adds balance to your steps as you walk the tightrope of life." -- William Arthur Ward


I'm an acrobat

Reply
May 3, 2019 11:01:47   #
TrueAmerican
 
slatten49 wrote:
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019

A member of the independent counsel team that recommended the impeachment of President Bill Clinton says that President Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice are “blunter by a thousand-fold” than anything Clinton did and more than justifies the House Judiciary Committee opening impeachment proceedings.

In an interview with the Yahoo News podcast “Skullduggery,” Paul Rosenzweig, who served as a senior counsel to Ken Starr, said that a “significant number” of his former colleagues from the independent counsel office share his views — although notably not Starr himself.

“My view is that there’s ample reason right now for the House Judiciary Committee to begin an impeachment inquiry … and if it were up to me, I would recommend them to impeach,” said Rosenzweig. “I mean, if I were called to testify today at the first of those hearings, I would say that Trump’s obstruction of justice and frankly, more importantly, Trump’s dereliction of duty in failing to address the issue of Russian interference in our e*******l processes, are by themselves grounds for his impeachment.

“Add to that, his recalcitrance in responding to Mueller and his stonewalling of congressional investigations and the case becomes … much more compelling than that which attended the [impeachment] recommendation with respect to Clinton,” Rosenzweig added.

The views of Rosenzweig and others on Starr’s team could be a factor in the debate as House Democrats weigh whether to formally initiate an impeachment inquiry into the president. The Starr report’s referral to Congress in September 1998 outlined 11 possible grounds for impeachment of Clinton growing out of his attempts to conceal his sexual affair with former White House intern Monica Lewinsky. Five of the recommended articles accused Clinton of attempting to obstruct justice; a sixth asserted that he failed to fulfill his constitutional duty “to faithfully execute the laws” by, among other actions, invoking “groundless” executive privilege claims to try and prevent some of his aides from testifying.

It is a pattern of conduct that, as Rosenzweig sees it, has been repeated in spades by Trump.

The Starr referral cited — as evidence of obstruction — Clinton’s refusal to be questioned by Starr’s prosecutors for seven months — thereby delaying the Lewinsky investigation until the independent counsel threatened the president with a subpoena.

Trump refused to be questioned by Mueller at all, agreeing only to answer written questions relating to issues that arose during the 2016 campaign, but none at all relating to his conduct as president. After reviewing those responses, Mueller’s team found them “inadequate” and sought to follow up with additional questions — a request that Trump refused.

Another of the potential articles of impeachment Starr referred to Congress cited, as evidence of obstruction, Clinton’s lies to his staff denying any relationship with Lewinsky, contending that those lies were then repeated by those aides to the grand jury and the public. But Mueller found that Trump did more than that: He directed aides, former deputy national security adviser K.T. McFarland and former White House counsel Don McGahn, to write false memos that could be used to mislead investigators.

Rosenzweig noted that, at the time, he viewed one of the more serious abuses by Clinton his questioning of his secretary, Betty Currie, the day after he denied having sexual relations with Lewinsky during his civil deposition in the Paula Jones sexual harassment lawsuit. Calling her to the White House on a Sunday, Clinton asked Currie a series of leading questions intended to bolster his denial of a relationship with Lewinsky and potentially shape her testimony, making comments to her along the lines of “you could see and hear everything” when he met with Lewinsky and “we were never really alone.”

These comments, Rosenzweig said, amounted to “one of the most palpably aggressive efforts to control the narrative, tamper with witnesses, create a false impression for the American people and a false impression for the investigation,” Rosenzweig said.

But, he added, “Trump’s efforts are blunter by a thousand-fold. He doesn’t even have the sophistication and subtlety of former President Clinton.

Rosenzweig pointed to Trump’s directive to McGahn to fire Mueller — an order that, according to Mueller, McGahn refused to carry out, fearing a repeat of the infamous “Saturday Night Massacre” in which special prosecutor Archibald Cox was fired on President Richard Nixon’s orders — after the two top Justice Department officials resigned in protest. When the New York Times later broke the story of Trump’s directive, the president, according to the Mueller report, called in McGahn and ordered him to write a memo denying that Trump ever gave such an order. But McGahn refused to do so.

As Rosenzweig noted, Trump didn’t just ask leading questions of McGahn intended to influence his testimony, as Clinton did with Currie. He didn’t say to McGahn, “I didn’t really try to fire him, ask you to fire him, did I?” Instead, “It’s, no. Create a false memo.”

Rosenzweig noted that, “to be fair,” the House didn’t “ultimately adopt many of the proposed obstruction of justice counts recommended by Starr. But, he said, Trump’s more recent decision to invoke executive privilege over his conversations with McGahn to prevent him from testifying before the House Judiciary Committee on its own echoes the impeachment investigation into Nixon. Among the three articles of impeachment passed by the House Judiciary Committee in 1974 was one accusing him of “contempt of Congress” for failing to comply with “duly authorized” subpoenas from the panel.

All of this, said Rosenzweig, has resonated with his former colleagues on Starr’s staff who pushed for the impeachment of Clinton. “We’ve been talking, a number of us. I would say that there are a significant number of them who see Trump's activities as worse,” he said.

The most notable exception, of course, has been Starr himself who, after the Mueller report was released, praised Trump on Fox and Friends his “unprecedented cooperation” with Mueller’s probe.

Calling Starr a “long and good friend,” Rosenzweig said, “I’m reluctant to criticize him and I’m reluctant to say he sold out. I would say I don’t agree with his analysis and I would love an opportunity to talk with him in some detail about how he could possibly reach a conclusion that seems to me quite fairly contrary to what he said 20 years ago.”
Michael Isikoff, April 26, 2019 br br A member of... (show quote)


Still living in the past I see !!!!!!

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