carolyn wrote:
And I guess you are saying that the President and his administration did not know anything about this?
Near the end of Batista's regime, the US wanted to oust Batista due to his lack of popularity amongst the Cuban people and the instability that it was creating:
"Since November the US government had been taking urgent steps to remove Batista from power.... William D. Pawley, the former Ambasssador to Peru and Brazil and a personal friend of President Eisenhower, was about to be sent as a secret emissary to negotiate with Batista, Pawley would be authorised to offer Batista the opportunity to live with his family in Daytona Beach, Florida, if the dictator would appoint a caretaker government. . . . The key aspect of the plan was that Pawley would be authorised to speak to Batista for President Eisenhower." (Ramon L. Bonachea & Marya San Martin: >The Cuban I**********n: 1952-1959'; New Brunswick (USA); 1974; p. 304)
In the autumn of 1957:
"The United States began to hold up Batista's orders for military hardware. In March 1958 an embargo on the shipment of arms and ammunition to Cuba was declared." (Philip Bonsal: Cuba, Castro and the United States; Pittsburgh; 1971; p.21)
The withdrawal of United States support from the Batista regime caused severe demoralisation among Batista's officer corps:
"Batista's soldiers, demoralised by the general repudiation of the government they served and by the accelerated corruption among their own officers and elsewhere... simply melted away as a fighting force after mid-1958. . .Batista now saw all the elements of his power eroded, his large army useless, his political support at home non-existent, his henchmen looking for exile, and the Washinton backing he had so long enjoyed withdrawn." (Philip Bonsal: op. cit. p. 19, 23)
Tad Szulc was a journalist working for the N.Y. Times who first uncovered the Bay of Pigs plot. From Tad Szulc's Book (Fidel:A Critical Portrait) (p.427-28):
"Uncle Sam, however, was engaged in a number of actions in Cuba that were both contradictory and mysterious. On one hand, the United States continued to supply the Batista regime with weapons to fight the rebels, while on the other hand it secretly channeled funds to the 26th of July Movement through the Central Intelligence Agency.
The story of CIA financial support for the Castro r*******n, a selective form of support, is a surprising one, though it is unclear whether this operation was formally authorized by the Eisenhower administration of undertaken by the Agency entirely on its own. It is not even certain that Castro himself knew that some of the money reaching him or his Movement came from the CIA. A new reconstruction of this United States involvement with Castro shows that between October or Novemeber of 1957 and the middle of 1958, the CIA delivered no less than fifty thousand dollars to a half-dozen or more key members of the 26th of July Movement in Santiago. The amount was quite large, relative to what the Movement itself was able to collect in Cuba. The entire clandestine operation remains classified as top secret by the United States government; therefore, the reasons for the financing of the Movement cannot be adequately explained. It is a sound assumption, however, that the CIA wished to hedge its bets in Cuba and purchase goodwill among some members of the Movement, if not Castro's goodwill, for future contingencies. This would have been consistent with CIA policy elsewhere in the world whenever local conflicts affected United States interests.
These funds were handled by Robert D. Wiecha, a CIA case officer attached to the United States consulate general under the cover of vice-consul, who served in Santiago from September 1957 to June 1959. The late Park Fields Wollam, who as consul general was Wiecha's superior in Santiago, had told State Department colleagues at that time of the CIA role in dealing with the Castro organization."