The bill Clinton story continues to this day--: #2 Dolly Kyle, an Arkansas lawyer who met Clinton while they were both in high school, testified under penalty of perjury in the Paula...

thebigp

#2
Dolly Kyle, an Arkansas lawyer who met Clinton while they were both in high school, testified under penalty of perjury in the Paula Jones case that she had engaged in an on-again, off-again consensual affair with Clinton for nearly 20 years beginning in the early 1970s. “During an overnight tryst in May of 1987 at an airport hotel in Dallas, Clinton confided in me that he was a sex addict,” says Kyle. “He claimed that women threw themselves at him, and he didn’t know how to control himself. He admitted that by then he had already had at least a few hundred sex partners since his marriage.” About a month after this discussion with Kyle, Clinton made the surprising announcement that he would not run for president the following year. This was not long after Democratic senator Gary Hart’s once-promising p**********l campaign suddenly collapsed amid news reports of adulterous behavior, and the Clinton camp was concerned that their candidate could well meet the same fate.
Though Clinton’s relentless pursuit of extramarital sex continued more or less unabated, it did not cause any political problems for a few more years. The first sign of trouble came in October 1990 when Larry Nichols, a disgruntled former state employee, filed a $3 million lawsuit against Clinton, claiming the governor had misused state funds to carry on affairs with Gennifer Flowers and four other women. In a New York Times Magazine article in early 1997, journalist Philip Weiss would call Nichols’s lawsuit “the declaration of war by those I’ve come to think of as Clinton crazies.” But while Nichols and other Clinton enemies would latch on to a slew of conspiracy theories over the years—including wild charges of drug-smuggling and gun-running—there was nothing glaringly delusional about these particular sexual allegations.
The Clintons are correct in maintaining that political opponents repeatedly tried to use sex scandals to their advantage; that’s what political opponents do. However, it does not follow that all the stories of sexual liaisons were manufactured out of whole cloth. As one biographer noted, “There were simply too many women and too many stories to be a matter of a temporary lapse or of smears by opponents.” Clinton soon got all five women to sign affidavits denying Nichols’s allegations, but those documents were hardly proof of anything. In fact, a taped phone conversation from 1991 reveals that Clinton urged Flowers to lie, telling her, “Hang tough . . . all you got to do is to deny it.” In early 1992, Flowers flipped, claiming in a story she sold to a tabloid that she had had a 12-year affair with Clinton. Right before the New Hampshire primary, Clinton was forced to do damage control. In a widely watched 60 Minutes interview after the Super Bowl, with Hillary sitting by his side, he admitted that he had “caused pain in my marriage.” This vague confession of limited adulterous behavior managed to quell the furor and clear his path to the White House.
In late December 1993, Clinton’s reckless sexual past came back to haunt him once again when both the Los Angeles Times and the American Spectator reported that as governor, he had asked Arkansas state troopers to procure women for him. Entitled “His C***tin’ Heart,” the Spectator story set out to discover something about the roughly two dozen “bimbos” whom the Clinton campaign feared might “erupt” before the 1992 e******n. Except for Gennifer Flowers, author David Brock did not identify any of the women by name. Based on 30 hours of interviews with four state troopers, Brock wrote of a governor who, in addition to asking his staff to set up assignations with strangers, was juggling a half-dozen steady girlfriends.
Team Clinton, which would eventually come to include Brock after his political conversion memoir Blinded by the Right (2002), never pushed back against specific allegations. Instead, they spoke of right-wing smears. As the former president argued in 2004, Brock’s article could be traced back to “extraordinary efforts made to discredit me by wealthy right-wingers with ties to Newt Gingrich and some adversaries of mine in Arkansas.” Some of the salacious details may well have been embellishments. However, the overall portrait of Clinton’s predation is consistent with what numerous other people have reported—consensual partners like Flowers, Kyle, and Lewinsky, as well as the various women alleging assault.
Along the way, as Jones filed appeal after appeal, news of the Lewinsky affair made it onto the radar screen of Ken Starr, the independent counsel initially charged with investigating the Whitewater scandal, a failed Arkansas real-estate investment implicating the Clintons. And Starr, in turn, recommended impeachment for perjury and obstruction of justice, stemming from Clinton’s attempt to cover up the Lewinsky affair in his Jones case testimony. To pay her legal costs, Jones relied on financial support from conservative groups such as the Rutherford Institute, but, again, that does not impeach her testimony in the “he said/she said” debate she waged with the president, as the Clinton camp repeatedly insisted.
Twenty-five years ago, journalists were still searching for the proper conceptual lens through which to examine the sexual behavior of presidents. As the Los Angeles Times noted in its 1993 article on “Troopergate,” “Allegations about the personal lives of Presidents are not new.
Over the past couple of decades, a consensus has emerged that during the Clinton administration the mainstream media went too far in the other direction, throwing propriety to the wind. As Marvin Kalb, the founding director of Harvard’s Shorenstein Center on the Media, Politics and Public Policy, put it in One Scandalous Story (2001), “When the story broke on January 21, 1998, that President Clinton had had an affair with . . . Lewinsky, the press plunged into the scandal, disclosing every tasteless detail. Its self-justifying explanation was that it had no choice.”
It’s time to listen carefully to what Leslie Millwee and all of Clinton’s other accusers have to say. With Bill and Hillary Clinton now embarking on an extended tour of North America—live events begin in Las Vegas next month and end in Los Angeles next May—the time is ripe for a deliberate and dignified national conversation about whether our 42nd president is actually a sexual predator who has long been hiding in plain sight.
Source--Joshua Kendall - Leslie Millwee -Via YouTube -60 Minutes- New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg-

Carol Kelly

thebigp wrote:

#2
Dolly Kyle, an Arkansas lawyer who met Clinton while they were both in high school, testified under penalty of perjury in the Paula Jones case that she had engaged in an on-again, off-again consensual affair with Clinton for nearly 20 years beginning in the early 1970s. “During an overnight tryst in May of 1987 at an airport hotel in Dallas, Clinton confided in me that he was a sex addict,” says Kyle. “He claimed that women threw themselves at him, and he didn’t know how to control himself. He admitted that by then he had already had at least a few hundred sex partners since his marriage.” About a month after this discussion with Kyle, Clinton made the surprising announcement that he would not run for president the following year. This was not long after Democratic senator Gary Hart’s once-promising p**********l campaign suddenly collapsed amid news reports of adulterous behavior, and the Clinton camp was concerned that their candidate could well meet the same fate.
Though Clinton’s relentless pursuit of extramarital sex continued more or less unabated, it did not cause any political problems for a few more years. The first sign of trouble came in October 1990 when Larry Nichols, a disgruntled former state employee, filed a $3 million lawsuit against Clinton, claiming the governor had misused state funds to carry on affairs with Gennifer Flowers and four other women. In a New York Times Magazine article in early 1997, journalist Philip Weiss would call Nichols’s lawsuit “the declaration of war by those I’ve come to think of as Clinton crazies.” But while Nichols and other Clinton enemies would latch on to a slew of conspiracy theories over the years—including wild charges of drug-smuggling and gun-running—there was nothing glaringly delusional about these particular sexual allegations.
The Clintons are correct in maintaining that political opponents repeatedly tried to use sex scandals to their advantage; that’s what political opponents do. However, it does not follow that all the stories of sexual liaisons were manufactured out of whole cloth. As one biographer noted, “There were simply too many women and too many stories to be a matter of a temporary lapse or of smears by opponents.” Clinton soon got all five women to sign affidavits denying Nichols’s allegations, but those documents were hardly proof of anything. In fact, a taped phone conversation from 1991 reveals that Clinton urged Flowers to lie, telling her, “Hang tough . . . all you got to do is to deny it.” In early 1992, Flowers flipped, claiming in a story she sold to a tabloid that she had had a 12-year affair with Clinton. Right before the New Hampshire primary, Clinton was forced to do damage control. In a widely watched 60 Minutes interview after the Super Bowl, with Hillary sitting by his side, he admitted that he had “caused pain in my marriage.” This vague confession of limited adulterous behavior managed to quell the furor and clear his path to the White House.
In late December 1993, Clinton’s reckless sexual past came back to haunt him once again when both the Los Angeles Times and the American Spectator reported that as governor, he had asked Arkansas state troopers to procure women for him. Entitled “His C***tin’ Heart,” the Spectator story set out to discover something about the roughly two dozen “bimbos” whom the Clinton campaign feared might “erupt” before the 1992 e******n. Except for Gennifer Flowers, author David Brock did not identify any of the women by name. Based on 30 hours of interviews with four state troopers, Brock wrote of a governor who, in addition to asking his staff to set up assignations with strangers, was juggling a half-dozen steady girlfriends.
Team Clinton, which would eventually come to include Brock after his political conversion memoir Blinded by the Right (2002), never pushed back against specific allegations. Instead, they spoke of right-wing smears. As the former president argued in 2004, Brock’s article could be traced back to “extraordinary efforts made to discredit me by wealthy right-wingers with ties to Newt Gingrich and some adversaries of mine in Arkansas.” Some of the salacious details may well have been embellishments. However, the overall portrait of Clinton’s predation is consistent with what numerous other people have reported—consensual partners like Flowers, Kyle, and Lewinsky, as well as the various women alleging assault.
Along the way, as Jones filed appeal after appeal, news of the Lewinsky affair made it onto the radar screen of Ken Starr, the independent counsel initially charged with investigating the Whitewater scandal, a failed Arkansas real-estate investment implicating the Clintons. And Starr, in turn, recommended impeachment for perjury and obstruction of justice, stemming from Clinton’s attempt to cover up the Lewinsky affair in his Jones case testimony. To pay her legal costs, Jones relied on financial support from conservative groups such as the Rutherford Institute, but, again, that does not impeach her testimony in the “he said/she said” debate she waged with the president, as the Clinton camp repeatedly insisted.
Twenty-five years ago, journalists were still searching for the proper conceptual lens through which to examine the sexual behavior of presidents. As the Los Angeles Times noted in its 1993 article on “Troopergate,” “Allegations about the personal lives of Presidents are not new.
Over the past couple of decades, a consensus has emerged that during the Clinton administration the mainstream media went too far in the other direction, throwing propriety to the wind. As Marvin Kalb, the founding director of Harvard’s Shorenstein Center on the Media, Politics and Public Policy, put it in One Scandalous Story (2001), “When the story broke on January 21, 1998, that President Clinton had had an affair with . . . Lewinsky, the press plunged into the scandal, disclosing every tasteless detail. Its self-justifying explanation was that it had no choice.”
It’s time to listen carefully to what Leslie Millwee and all of Clinton’s other accusers have to say. With Bill and Hillary Clinton now embarking on an extended tour of North America—live events begin in Las Vegas next month and end in Los Angeles next May—the time is ripe for a deliberate and dignified national conversation about whether our 42nd president is actually a sexual predator who has long been hiding in plain sight.
Source--Joshua Kendall - Leslie Millwee -Via YouTube -60 Minutes- New York Times columnist Michelle Goldberg-

#2 br Dolly Kyle, an Arkansas lawyer who met Clint... (show quote)

Let us not forget!

DaWg44

Hillary will never be prosecuted, nor will Bill. If their tour somehow helps give some guidance to others, keep others from following the same road, that is a good thing.

I doubt that it will, I only expect it to generate $millions more for the Clintons. If Hillary thinks the tour goes well, she will run in 2020. She may have to contend w/ Michelle. The Obamas are just as greedy as the Clintons.