Seth wrote:
The only tangible shenanigans I've encountered where voting is concerned occurred in Charlotte, NC when I lived there, and that was gerrymandering. From what I understand, that practice has since, meaning over the last decade, run into a lot of difficulty in federal courts.
It seems that whichever party is dominant in a given state gets to set the boundaries of their voting districts.
Otherwise, it's difficult to imagine how one could suppress voters at this point in history, since an aggressively p.o.'d suppressee, given today's climate could sue the state and win pretty easily.
I don't subscribe to the concept of minorities having a harder time obtaining valid ID, because a state ID or a driver's license aren't that expensive and one or the other is required to be carried in most places these days.
In fact, where the poor are concerned,I can't even believe that they would issue food stamps or welfare to someone unless they presented ID and a Social Security card when they applied.
The only tangible shenanigans I've encountered whe... (
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It is very simple Seth, if the republicans did not think it would repress voters who would favor democrats, they would not pass these obstruction laws..
https://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/civil-rights/339404-its-time-to-restore-full-power-to-the-voting-rights-actToday marks the fourth anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Shelby County, Alabama v. Holder, a devastating ruling that immobilized a part of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (VRA) that was one of the most effective tools for protecting voters and strengthening our political process.
As a result, far too many state and local jurisdictions have unabashedly considered and passed racially discriminatory voting laws; wasted millions of dollars defending them; and cost millions of disproportionately black and Latino Americans their most basic right in our democracy: The right to vote.
For nearly 50 years, Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act required jurisdictions with the worst histories of voter discrimination – mostly, but not exclusively in the South — to notify the federal government of every proposed voting change and get its approval before implementing those changes, a process known as “preclearance.”
The law used a formula set forth in Section 4(b) to determine which jurisdictions are required to secure pre-clearance. It was this formula that the Supreme Court struck down in Shelby County, leaving Section 5 and its pre-clearance requirement intact but dormant.
Without this transparency and scrutiny, states and local jurisdictions have directed their time, energy, and resources toward passing and defending racially discriminatory voting laws.
The day after the Shelby County opinion, for instance, North Carolina’s state legislature moved forward with House Bill 589, which required all voters to have limited forms of identification, eliminated same-day voter registration, and cut in half the early voting period — changes that an appellate court said “target African-American voters with almost surgical precision.”
Texas was even swifter.
Within two hours of the Shelby County decision, the state announced its intention to implement the most restrictive photo ID law in the nation, which Section 5 had previously blocked. After four years of litigation and five rulings by five different courts that the law has a discriminatory effect — potentially disenfranchising 600,000 registered voters – civil rights advocates are still fighting the law.