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Oct 2, 2015 17:45:22   #
KHH1
 
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He Faced as Governor

By MATT FLEGENHEIMEROCT. 2, 2015
In 1999, shortly after Jeb Bush’s election as governor of Florida, the leader of a national movement to overturn affirmative action policies visited his Tallahassee office with a request: Would Mr. Bush support a ballot measure banishing such policies, which had become a favored conservative target?

The governor’s eyes wandered to an image on his wall, featuring several black children. He approached the photograph. “I’m not with you,” Mr. Bush said finally, according to the activist, Ward Connerly. “They are the ones I want to help.”

By the end of the year, black leaders across Florida disagreed with that self-assessment.

Mr. Bush unveiled an alternative plan, which took aim at racial preferences in public university admissions and state contracting, setting off a showdown he said he had strained to avoid. Black legislators staged a sit-in at the governor’s executive suite. Thousands marched on the Capitol. And Mr. Bush’s inbox swelled with the pleas of students, asking why he was quashing their chance to attend college.

A demonstration at the State Capitol in Tallahassee in March 2000 over Gov. Jeb Bush's One Florida initiative. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. Credit Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press

It was, allies say, neither the first nor the last time that Mr. Bush’s good intentions had been misunderstood on a matter of race. The most recent example arrived last week, as Mr. Bush told a crowd in South Carolina that Republicans should not appeal to African-Americans with promises of “free stuff.”

“Our message is one that is uplifting,” Mr. Bush said then, “that says you can achieve earned success.”

Opponents saw in the Sept. 24 comments a brazen hypocrisy from a son of political royalty — the latest stumble for a candidate who has cast himself as a bridge to new voters, with experience leading a diverse state and a unique perspective among Republican presidential candidates as the bilingual husband of a woman born in Mexico.

Longtime supporters heard something else: an echo of one of the most turbulent episodes of his governorship.

Mr. Bush had not planned on a fight upon entering office, at least not on this count. Chastened by a narrow election loss in 1994 — he campaigned for governor as a tough-on-crime conservative who glibly predicted he would do “probably nothing” for blacks if elected — Mr. Bush had since reached out to new constituencies.

He co-founded a charter school serving predominantly black residents in Miami, pressed for diversity in appointments of agency heads and judges, and expressed remorse in a 1998 debate when asked about his relationship with black voters.

“Republicans have ignored the black vote in this state, and I was part of that, and it was a mistake,” he said.

As Mr. Bush took office, though, Mr. Connerly, who had helped spur a national movement to challenge affirmative action policies on state ballots, eyed Florida as his next battleground.

Mr. Bush largely agreed with him, arguing against racial quotas. But he cast the prospect of a ballot measure as needlessly divisive. Some critics saw another motivation: The vote would have come in November 2000, and threatened to increase African-American turnout for an election in which his brother was on the ballot for president. Those close to Mr. Bush have disputed any connection.

Mr. Bush proposed a third way, calling the initiative One Florida. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required state campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. His brother George W. Bush, then the Texas governor, had endorsed a similar approach, backing a 1996 court decision that banned racial preferences at the University of Texas School of Law but called for an “affirmative access” approach that assured admission for top graduates from Texas high schools.

In Tallahassee, Mr. Bush argued the changes would actually increase enrollment figures for minority groups — a claim that, more than a decade later, remains contested. He also said he was ordering agencies to revamp procurement protocols to encourage greater diversity among vendors.

Few groups were pleased. Some black elected officials suggested that Mr. Bush had not consulted them sufficiently. Conservatives had long questioned why he refused to back Mr. Connerly’s efforts in the first place.

“I am not wobbly,” Mr. Bush responded in a March 1999 email to one skeptic. “I oppose quotas and set-asides, and can assure you that they will not be used in state government.”

By Mr. Bush’s count, he received about 20 messages a day on the subject — and answered most of them himself, suggesting that the state’s Citizen Services unit lacked “the political or social sensitivities” to respond adequately.

“Kind of scary and I am very tired,” he wrote to aides at the end of his first month as governor, describing the email volume.

At times, Mr. Bush seemed wounded. “Who told you that?” he wrote back to a 13-year-old who suggested that his hopes of attending college would be dashed. “Why don’t you get the person who told you an untruth to write me?”

The debate consumed much of his first year in office, cresting perhaps in January 2000, two months after Mr. Bush had issued an executive order outlining his vision.

Two prominent black lawmakers arrived in Mr. Bush’s executive suite for a meeting with the lieutenant governor. Mr. Bush, who had resisted meeting the men himself, dropped in briefly to lament the futility of their push.

“If you think I’m going to change my mind, you might as well get some blankets,” he told the lawmakers, according to one of them, Anthony C. Hill, a state representative at the time.

“So we did that,” Mr. Hill recalled.

Soon, the governor’s office was overtaken by the spectacle. Protesters descended on the Capitol to support Mr. Hill and his State Senate colleague, Kendrick Meek, who did not budge for more than 24 hours. Reporters raced to the premises. And in a hot-mike moment that attracted national headlines, Mr. Bush ordered aides to “kick their asses out,” unaware that his words were being recorded. His team later insisted he was talking about the reporters.

Eventually, Mr. Bush relented, slightly. He agreed to meet the lawmakers and scheduled a series of public meetings on the changes to come.

But emotions simmered still. The Rev. R.B. Holmes Jr., who was Mr. Bush’s most outspoken black supporter, said at the time that he felt double-crossed: “Instead of One Florida, it’s divisive Florida.” (The enmity did not last; Mr. Holmes introduced Mr. Bush at his presidential campaign kickoff in June and has continued campaigning for him.)

Al Cardenas, Mr. Bush’s longtime adviser and friend, said Mr. Bush feared violent demonstrations and urged his team to avoid inflaming tensions.

“It’s the only time I remember him calling me two or three times saying, ‘Don’t be too provocative,’” said Mr. Cardenas, who had advocated challenging the affirmative action supporters to a public debate.


For Jeb!, It must be sort of hard to hop around the country, with one foot so firmly placed in his mouth.

Less than two months after the sit-in, as Mr. Bush defended One Florida in his State of the State address, an enormous protest, led by the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, rolled through Tallahassee.
Inside the House chamber, Mr. Bush vowed that his plan would work. “This year,” he pledged, “more minority students will be admitted to our university system than last year.”

That fall, Mr. Bush and his team highlighted gains in minority admissions at state universities. But many in higher education were skeptical of the program, noting that those acceptance decisions had taken place before One Florida was put into effect.

The next year, some statistics were less encouraging. At the University of Florida, 7.2 percent of incoming freshmen in 2001 were black, down from 11.7 percent the previous year.

“When that policy was put in place, we scrambled a little bit,” Joe Glover, the University of Florida’s provost, said in an interview.

He said the program, for better or worse, helped compel the school to revise its admissions practices by targeting groups, like low-income applicants whose parents had not attended college, to increase diversity without violating the order.

Mr. Bush’s supporters have argued that the plan fulfilled its purpose, infusing admissions policies with conservative ideals while coaxing schools to find opportunities for underrepresented groups in other ways.

An analysis by The Orlando Sentinel in 2010 found that minority enrollment in the state’s university system had not kept pace with the number of minorities graduating high school. In 1999, the report said, more than 20 percent of the state’s high school graduates and 17.5 percent of university freshmen were black. By 2008, black students accounted for 19.5 percent of high school graduates and 14.9 percent of university freshmen.

Mr. Bush’s team has pushed back since his tenure ended, noting that more students of all races were enrolled, with particular gains among Hispanics as the state’s demographics shifted.

And according to the Bush campaign, businesses run by blacks and Hispanics received tens of millions of dollars more in state procurements by the time he left office.

But some opponents required special attention from the governor. In 2000, a student named Tania Williams engaged Mr. Bush in a exchange of multiple emails, predicting a return to the era of Jim Crow and asking how long Mr. Bush would wait to assess the program’s success.

“Great question and that is what I am working on to lessen people’s fears,” Mr. Bush wrote. “You are very perceptive!”

Ms. Williams asked, with a typed smiley face, if this meant she could pester Mr. Bush about a summer internship. “I don’t know if we have summer internships, but look me up nonetheless,” he replied.

In an email this week, Ms. Williams said she had gotten an internship.

She is now a lawyer in West Palm Beach, about 75 miles from Mr. Bush’s campaign headquarters.

Reply
Oct 2, 2015 18:27:36   #
markinny
 
KHH1 wrote:
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He Faced as Governor

By MATT FLEGENHEIMEROCT. 2, 2015
In 1999, shortly after Jeb Bush’s election as governor of Florida, the leader of a national movement to overturn affirmative action policies visited his Tallahassee office with a request: Would Mr. Bush support a ballot measure banishing such policies, which had become a favored conservative target?

The governor’s eyes wandered to an image on his wall, featuring several black children. He approached the photograph. “I’m not with you,” Mr. Bush said finally, according to the activist, Ward Connerly. “They are the ones I want to help.”

By the end of the year, black leaders across Florida disagreed with that self-assessment.

Mr. Bush unveiled an alternative plan, which took aim at racial preferences in public university admissions and state contracting, setting off a showdown he said he had strained to avoid. Black legislators staged a sit-in at the governor’s executive suite. Thousands marched on the Capitol. And Mr. Bush’s inbox swelled with the pleas of students, asking why he was quashing their chance to attend college.

A demonstration at the State Capitol in Tallahassee in March 2000 over Gov. Jeb Bush's One Florida initiative. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. Credit Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press

It was, allies say, neither the first nor the last time that Mr. Bush’s good intentions had been misunderstood on a matter of race. The most recent example arrived last week, as Mr. Bush told a crowd in South Carolina that Republicans should not appeal to African-Americans with promises of “free stuff.”

“Our message is one that is uplifting,” Mr. Bush said then, “that says you can achieve earned success.”

Opponents saw in the Sept. 24 comments a brazen hypocrisy from a son of political royalty — the latest stumble for a candidate who has cast himself as a bridge to new voters, with experience leading a diverse state and a unique perspective among Republican presidential candidates as the bilingual husband of a woman born in Mexico.

Longtime supporters heard something else: an echo of one of the most turbulent episodes of his governorship.

Mr. Bush had not planned on a fight upon entering office, at least not on this count. Chastened by a narrow election loss in 1994 — he campaigned for governor as a tough-on-crime conservative who glibly predicted he would do “probably nothing” for blacks if elected — Mr. Bush had since reached out to new constituencies.

He co-founded a charter school serving predominantly black residents in Miami, pressed for diversity in appointments of agency heads and judges, and expressed remorse in a 1998 debate when asked about his relationship with black voters.

“Republicans have ignored the black vote in this state, and I was part of that, and it was a mistake,” he said.

As Mr. Bush took office, though, Mr. Connerly, who had helped spur a national movement to challenge affirmative action policies on state ballots, eyed Florida as his next battleground.

Mr. Bush largely agreed with him, arguing against racial quotas. But he cast the prospect of a ballot measure as needlessly divisive. Some critics saw another motivation: The vote would have come in November 2000, and threatened to increase African-American turnout for an election in which his brother was on the ballot for president. Those close to Mr. Bush have disputed any connection.

Mr. Bush proposed a third way, calling the initiative One Florida. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required state campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. His brother George W. Bush, then the Texas governor, had endorsed a similar approach, backing a 1996 court decision that banned racial preferences at the University of Texas School of Law but called for an “affirmative access” approach that assured admission for top graduates from Texas high schools.

In Tallahassee, Mr. Bush argued the changes would actually increase enrollment figures for minority groups — a claim that, more than a decade later, remains contested. He also said he was ordering agencies to revamp procurement protocols to encourage greater diversity among vendors.

Few groups were pleased. Some black elected officials suggested that Mr. Bush had not consulted them sufficiently. Conservatives had long questioned why he refused to back Mr. Connerly’s efforts in the first place.

“I am not wobbly,” Mr. Bush responded in a March 1999 email to one skeptic. “I oppose quotas and set-asides, and can assure you that they will not be used in state government.”

By Mr. Bush’s count, he received about 20 messages a day on the subject — and answered most of them himself, suggesting that the state’s Citizen Services unit lacked “the political or social sensitivities” to respond adequately.

“Kind of scary and I am very tired,” he wrote to aides at the end of his first month as governor, describing the email volume.

At times, Mr. Bush seemed wounded. “Who told you that?” he wrote back to a 13-year-old who suggested that his hopes of attending college would be dashed. “Why don’t you get the person who told you an untruth to write me?”

The debate consumed much of his first year in office, cresting perhaps in January 2000, two months after Mr. Bush had issued an executive order outlining his vision.

Two prominent black lawmakers arrived in Mr. Bush’s executive suite for a meeting with the lieutenant governor. Mr. Bush, who had resisted meeting the men himself, dropped in briefly to lament the futility of their push.

“If you think I’m going to change my mind, you might as well get some blankets,” he told the lawmakers, according to one of them, Anthony C. Hill, a state representative at the time.

“So we did that,” Mr. Hill recalled.

Soon, the governor’s office was overtaken by the spectacle. Protesters descended on the Capitol to support Mr. Hill and his State Senate colleague, Kendrick Meek, who did not budge for more than 24 hours. Reporters raced to the premises. And in a hot-mike moment that attracted national headlines, Mr. Bush ordered aides to “kick their asses out,” unaware that his words were being recorded. His team later insisted he was talking about the reporters.

Eventually, Mr. Bush relented, slightly. He agreed to meet the lawmakers and scheduled a series of public meetings on the changes to come.

But emotions simmered still. The Rev. R.B. Holmes Jr., who was Mr. Bush’s most outspoken black supporter, said at the time that he felt double-crossed: “Instead of One Florida, it’s divisive Florida.” (The enmity did not last; Mr. Holmes introduced Mr. Bush at his presidential campaign kickoff in June and has continued campaigning for him.)

Al Cardenas, Mr. Bush’s longtime adviser and friend, said Mr. Bush feared violent demonstrations and urged his team to avoid inflaming tensions.

“It’s the only time I remember him calling me two or three times saying, ‘Don’t be too provocative,’” said Mr. Cardenas, who had advocated challenging the affirmative action supporters to a public debate.


For Jeb!, It must be sort of hard to hop around the country, with one foot so firmly placed in his mouth.

Less than two months after the sit-in, as Mr. Bush defended One Florida in his State of the State address, an enormous protest, led by the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, rolled through Tallahassee.
Inside the House chamber, Mr. Bush vowed that his plan would work. “This year,” he pledged, “more minority students will be admitted to our university system than last year.”

That fall, Mr. Bush and his team highlighted gains in minority admissions at state universities. But many in higher education were skeptical of the program, noting that those acceptance decisions had taken place before One Florida was put into effect.

The next year, some statistics were less encouraging. At the University of Florida, 7.2 percent of incoming freshmen in 2001 were black, down from 11.7 percent the previous year.

“When that policy was put in place, we scrambled a little bit,” Joe Glover, the University of Florida’s provost, said in an interview.

He said the program, for better or worse, helped compel the school to revise its admissions practices by targeting groups, like low-income applicants whose parents had not attended college, to increase diversity without violating the order.

Mr. Bush’s supporters have argued that the plan fulfilled its purpose, infusing admissions policies with conservative ideals while coaxing schools to find opportunities for underrepresented groups in other ways.

An analysis by The Orlando Sentinel in 2010 found that minority enrollment in the state’s university system had not kept pace with the number of minorities graduating high school. In 1999, the report said, more than 20 percent of the state’s high school graduates and 17.5 percent of university freshmen were black. By 2008, black students accounted for 19.5 percent of high school graduates and 14.9 percent of university freshmen.

Mr. Bush’s team has pushed back since his tenure ended, noting that more students of all races were enrolled, with particular gains among Hispanics as the state’s demographics shifted.

And according to the Bush campaign, businesses run by blacks and Hispanics received tens of millions of dollars more in state procurements by the time he left office.

But some opponents required special attention from the governor. In 2000, a student named Tania Williams engaged Mr. Bush in a exchange of multiple emails, predicting a return to the era of Jim Crow and asking how long Mr. Bush would wait to assess the program’s success.

“Great question and that is what I am working on to lessen people’s fears,” Mr. Bush wrote. “You are very perceptive!”

Ms. Williams asked, with a typed smiley face, if this meant she could pester Mr. Bush about a summer internship. “I don’t know if we have summer internships, but look me up nonetheless,” he replied.

In an email this week, Ms. Williams said she had gotten an internship.

She is now a lawyer in West Palm Beach, about 75 miles from Mr. Bush’s campaign headquarters.
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He... (show quote)


because he or she has a brain and figured it all out.

Reply
Oct 2, 2015 18:51:11   #
poppabear42
 
KHH1;
ANY black man, or woman, that would support ANY repukeblican, is a damned fool.
Here are just a few reasons why;
1. the repukeblican party does not want black people to vote, unless it is for that particular repukeblican.
2. A black woman that supports, or is even a part of, that party is a damned fool too. Hell they don't even give a damn about white women.
To them the only purpose a black woman has (If they can get lucky, and screw one), is so that they will have good luck, for a great crop year in their fields.
3. This is the problem with black people, they get a couple of million dollars in the bank, drive a luxury car, and have a big ol' house, and oh yeh, if they can get a card to the exclusive golf clubs, etc. they start thinking like a repukeblican.
They forget about the way their great grandparents, and other family members, and their friends family members were treated, and the fact that they still feel the same damned way, that they did back then.
And want every damned one of us working in those same fields, and are still trying to get lucky, so they will have a bumper crop.
As for all of those black people that have forgotten, or want to ignore their history, I hope they get their heads out of their a#A#s
And realize one fact, if they keep supporting people like these, and they get the power to do what they really want to do...
Their asses will be in the same fields that the rest of us will be in, and I hope they know who will have all the shit that they possess. As far as the black women, the will lose their shit too, AND THEIR TWATS, AND ASSHOLES WILL BECOME GOOD LUCK CHARMS TOO...It's called SLAVERY!!!

Reply
Oct 2, 2015 19:02:15   #
markinny
 
poppabear42 wrote:
KHH1;
ANY black man, or woman, that would support ANY repukeblican, is a damned fool.
Here are just a few reasons why;
1. the repukeblican party does not want black people to vote, unless it is for that particular repukeblican.
2. A black woman that supports, or is even a part of, that party is a damned fool too. Hell they don't even give a damn about white women.
To them the only purpose a black woman has (If they can get lucky, and screw one), is so that they will have good luck, for a great crop year in their fields.
3. This is the problem with black people, they get a couple of million dollars in the bank, drive a luxury car, and have a big ol' house, and oh yeh, if they can get a card to the exclusive golf clubs, etc. they start thinking like a repukeblican.
They forget about the way their great grandparents, and other family members, and their friends family members were treated, and the fact that they still feel the same damned way, that they did back then.
And want every damned one of us working in those same fields, and are still trying to get lucky, so they will have a bumper crop.
As for all of those black people that have forgotten, or want to ignore their history, I hope they get their heads out of their a#A#s
And realize one fact, if they keep supporting people like these, and they get the power to do what they really want to do...
Their asses will be in the same fields that the rest of us will be in, and I hope they know who will have all the shit that they possess. As far as the black women, the will lose their shit too, AND THEIR TWATS, AND ASSHOLES WILL BECOME GOOD LUCK CHARMS TOO...It's called SLAVERY!!!
KHH1; br ANY black man, or woman, that would supp... (show quote)



Reply
Oct 2, 2015 19:03:54   #
PeterS
 
KHH1 wrote:
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He Faced as Governor

By MATT FLEGENHEIMEROCT. 2, 2015
In 1999, shortly after Jeb Bush’s election as governor of Florida, the leader of a national movement to overturn affirmative action policies visited his Tallahassee office with a request: Would Mr. Bush support a ballot measure banishing such policies, which had become a favored conservative target?

The governor’s eyes wandered to an image on his wall, featuring several black children. He approached the photograph. “I’m not with you,” Mr. Bush said finally, according to the activist, Ward Connerly. “They are the ones I want to help.”

By the end of the year, black leaders across Florida disagreed with that self-assessment.

Mr. Bush unveiled an alternative plan, which took aim at racial preferences in public university admissions and state contracting, setting off a showdown he said he had strained to avoid. Black legislators staged a sit-in at the governor’s executive suite. Thousands marched on the Capitol. And Mr. Bush’s inbox swelled with the pleas of students, asking why he was quashing their chance to attend college.

A demonstration at the State Capitol in Tallahassee in March 2000 over Gov. Jeb Bush's One Florida initiative. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. Credit Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press

It was, allies say, neither the first nor the last time that Mr. Bush’s good intentions had been misunderstood on a matter of race. The most recent example arrived last week, as Mr. Bush told a crowd in South Carolina that Republicans should not appeal to African-Americans with promises of “free stuff.”

“Our message is one that is uplifting,” Mr. Bush said then, “that says you can achieve earned success.”

Opponents saw in the Sept. 24 comments a brazen hypocrisy from a son of political royalty — the latest stumble for a candidate who has cast himself as a bridge to new voters, with experience leading a diverse state and a unique perspective among Republican presidential candidates as the bilingual husband of a woman born in Mexico.

Longtime supporters heard something else: an echo of one of the most turbulent episodes of his governorship.

Mr. Bush had not planned on a fight upon entering office, at least not on this count. Chastened by a narrow election loss in 1994 — he campaigned for governor as a tough-on-crime conservative who glibly predicted he would do “probably nothing” for blacks if elected — Mr. Bush had since reached out to new constituencies.

He co-founded a charter school serving predominantly black residents in Miami, pressed for diversity in appointments of agency heads and judges, and expressed remorse in a 1998 debate when asked about his relationship with black voters.

“Republicans have ignored the black vote in this state, and I was part of that, and it was a mistake,” he said.

As Mr. Bush took office, though, Mr. Connerly, who had helped spur a national movement to challenge affirmative action policies on state ballots, eyed Florida as his next battleground.

Mr. Bush largely agreed with him, arguing against racial quotas. But he cast the prospect of a ballot measure as needlessly divisive. Some critics saw another motivation: The vote would have come in November 2000, and threatened to increase African-American turnout for an election in which his brother was on the ballot for president. Those close to Mr. Bush have disputed any connection.

Mr. Bush proposed a third way, calling the initiative One Florida. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required state campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. His brother George W. Bush, then the Texas governor, had endorsed a similar approach, backing a 1996 court decision that banned racial preferences at the University of Texas School of Law but called for an “affirmative access” approach that assured admission for top graduates from Texas high schools.

In Tallahassee, Mr. Bush argued the changes would actually increase enrollment figures for minority groups — a claim that, more than a decade later, remains contested. He also said he was ordering agencies to revamp procurement protocols to encourage greater diversity among vendors.

Few groups were pleased. Some black elected officials suggested that Mr. Bush had not consulted them sufficiently. Conservatives had long questioned why he refused to back Mr. Connerly’s efforts in the first place.

“I am not wobbly,” Mr. Bush responded in a March 1999 email to one skeptic. “I oppose quotas and set-asides, and can assure you that they will not be used in state government.”

By Mr. Bush’s count, he received about 20 messages a day on the subject — and answered most of them himself, suggesting that the state’s Citizen Services unit lacked “the political or social sensitivities” to respond adequately.

“Kind of scary and I am very tired,” he wrote to aides at the end of his first month as governor, describing the email volume.

At times, Mr. Bush seemed wounded. “Who told you that?” he wrote back to a 13-year-old who suggested that his hopes of attending college would be dashed. “Why don’t you get the person who told you an untruth to write me?”

The debate consumed much of his first year in office, cresting perhaps in January 2000, two months after Mr. Bush had issued an executive order outlining his vision.

Two prominent black lawmakers arrived in Mr. Bush’s executive suite for a meeting with the lieutenant governor. Mr. Bush, who had resisted meeting the men himself, dropped in briefly to lament the futility of their push.

“If you think I’m going to change my mind, you might as well get some blankets,” he told the lawmakers, according to one of them, Anthony C. Hill, a state representative at the time.

“So we did that,” Mr. Hill recalled.

Soon, the governor’s office was overtaken by the spectacle. Protesters descended on the Capitol to support Mr. Hill and his State Senate colleague, Kendrick Meek, who did not budge for more than 24 hours. Reporters raced to the premises. And in a hot-mike moment that attracted national headlines, Mr. Bush ordered aides to “kick their asses out,” unaware that his words were being recorded. His team later insisted he was talking about the reporters.

Eventually, Mr. Bush relented, slightly. He agreed to meet the lawmakers and scheduled a series of public meetings on the changes to come.

But emotions simmered still. The Rev. R.B. Holmes Jr., who was Mr. Bush’s most outspoken black supporter, said at the time that he felt double-crossed: “Instead of One Florida, it’s divisive Florida.” (The enmity did not last; Mr. Holmes introduced Mr. Bush at his presidential campaign kickoff in June and has continued campaigning for him.)

Al Cardenas, Mr. Bush’s longtime adviser and friend, said Mr. Bush feared violent demonstrations and urged his team to avoid inflaming tensions.

“It’s the only time I remember him calling me two or three times saying, ‘Don’t be too provocative,’” said Mr. Cardenas, who had advocated challenging the affirmative action supporters to a public debate.


For Jeb!, It must be sort of hard to hop around the country, with one foot so firmly placed in his mouth.

Less than two months after the sit-in, as Mr. Bush defended One Florida in his State of the State address, an enormous protest, led by the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, rolled through Tallahassee.
Inside the House chamber, Mr. Bush vowed that his plan would work. “This year,” he pledged, “more minority students will be admitted to our university system than last year.”

That fall, Mr. Bush and his team highlighted gains in minority admissions at state universities. But many in higher education were skeptical of the program, noting that those acceptance decisions had taken place before One Florida was put into effect.

The next year, some statistics were less encouraging. At the University of Florida, 7.2 percent of incoming freshmen in 2001 were black, down from 11.7 percent the previous year.

“When that policy was put in place, we scrambled a little bit,” Joe Glover, the University of Florida’s provost, said in an interview.

He said the program, for better or worse, helped compel the school to revise its admissions practices by targeting groups, like low-income applicants whose parents had not attended college, to increase diversity without violating the order.

Mr. Bush’s supporters have argued that the plan fulfilled its purpose, infusing admissions policies with conservative ideals while coaxing schools to find opportunities for underrepresented groups in other ways.

An analysis by The Orlando Sentinel in 2010 found that minority enrollment in the state’s university system had not kept pace with the number of minorities graduating high school. In 1999, the report said, more than 20 percent of the state’s high school graduates and 17.5 percent of university freshmen were black. By 2008, black students accounted for 19.5 percent of high school graduates and 14.9 percent of university freshmen.

Mr. Bush’s team has pushed back since his tenure ended, noting that more students of all races were enrolled, with particular gains among Hispanics as the state’s demographics shifted.

And according to the Bush campaign, businesses run by blacks and Hispanics received tens of millions of dollars more in state procurements by the time he left office.

But some opponents required special attention from the governor. In 2000, a student named Tania Williams engaged Mr. Bush in a exchange of multiple emails, predicting a return to the era of Jim Crow and asking how long Mr. Bush would wait to assess the program’s success.

“Great question and that is what I am working on to lessen people’s fears,” Mr. Bush wrote. “You are very perceptive!”

Ms. Williams asked, with a typed smiley face, if this meant she could pester Mr. Bush about a summer internship. “I don’t know if we have summer internships, but look me up nonetheless,” he replied.

In an email this week, Ms. Williams said she had gotten an internship.

She is now a lawyer in West Palm Beach, about 75 miles from Mr. Bush’s campaign headquarters.
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He... (show quote)

Look at Carson and I think that pretty well explains it--of all the things he might be in touch with reality isn't one of them. That's what it takes for blacks to be a member of the republican party...

Reply
Oct 2, 2015 19:03:54   #
PeterS
 
KHH1 wrote:
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He Faced as Governor

By MATT FLEGENHEIMEROCT. 2, 2015
In 1999, shortly after Jeb Bush’s election as governor of Florida, the leader of a national movement to overturn affirmative action policies visited his Tallahassee office with a request: Would Mr. Bush support a ballot measure banishing such policies, which had become a favored conservative target?

The governor’s eyes wandered to an image on his wall, featuring several black children. He approached the photograph. “I’m not with you,” Mr. Bush said finally, according to the activist, Ward Connerly. “They are the ones I want to help.”

By the end of the year, black leaders across Florida disagreed with that self-assessment.

Mr. Bush unveiled an alternative plan, which took aim at racial preferences in public university admissions and state contracting, setting off a showdown he said he had strained to avoid. Black legislators staged a sit-in at the governor’s executive suite. Thousands marched on the Capitol. And Mr. Bush’s inbox swelled with the pleas of students, asking why he was quashing their chance to attend college.

A demonstration at the State Capitol in Tallahassee in March 2000 over Gov. Jeb Bush's One Florida initiative. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. Credit Wilfredo Lee/Associated Press

It was, allies say, neither the first nor the last time that Mr. Bush’s good intentions had been misunderstood on a matter of race. The most recent example arrived last week, as Mr. Bush told a crowd in South Carolina that Republicans should not appeal to African-Americans with promises of “free stuff.”

“Our message is one that is uplifting,” Mr. Bush said then, “that says you can achieve earned success.”

Opponents saw in the Sept. 24 comments a brazen hypocrisy from a son of political royalty — the latest stumble for a candidate who has cast himself as a bridge to new voters, with experience leading a diverse state and a unique perspective among Republican presidential candidates as the bilingual husband of a woman born in Mexico.

Longtime supporters heard something else: an echo of one of the most turbulent episodes of his governorship.

Mr. Bush had not planned on a fight upon entering office, at least not on this count. Chastened by a narrow election loss in 1994 — he campaigned for governor as a tough-on-crime conservative who glibly predicted he would do “probably nothing” for blacks if elected — Mr. Bush had since reached out to new constituencies.

He co-founded a charter school serving predominantly black residents in Miami, pressed for diversity in appointments of agency heads and judges, and expressed remorse in a 1998 debate when asked about his relationship with black voters.

“Republicans have ignored the black vote in this state, and I was part of that, and it was a mistake,” he said.

As Mr. Bush took office, though, Mr. Connerly, who had helped spur a national movement to challenge affirmative action policies on state ballots, eyed Florida as his next battleground.

Mr. Bush largely agreed with him, arguing against racial quotas. But he cast the prospect of a ballot measure as needlessly divisive. Some critics saw another motivation: The vote would have come in November 2000, and threatened to increase African-American turnout for an election in which his brother was on the ballot for president. Those close to Mr. Bush have disputed any connection.

Mr. Bush proposed a third way, calling the initiative One Florida. It banned racial preferences at universities and in state procurements, but required state campuses to guarantee a spot for all students who finished in the top 20 percent of their class. His brother George W. Bush, then the Texas governor, had endorsed a similar approach, backing a 1996 court decision that banned racial preferences at the University of Texas School of Law but called for an “affirmative access” approach that assured admission for top graduates from Texas high schools.

In Tallahassee, Mr. Bush argued the changes would actually increase enrollment figures for minority groups — a claim that, more than a decade later, remains contested. He also said he was ordering agencies to revamp procurement protocols to encourage greater diversity among vendors.

Few groups were pleased. Some black elected officials suggested that Mr. Bush had not consulted them sufficiently. Conservatives had long questioned why he refused to back Mr. Connerly’s efforts in the first place.

“I am not wobbly,” Mr. Bush responded in a March 1999 email to one skeptic. “I oppose quotas and set-asides, and can assure you that they will not be used in state government.”

By Mr. Bush’s count, he received about 20 messages a day on the subject — and answered most of them himself, suggesting that the state’s Citizen Services unit lacked “the political or social sensitivities” to respond adequately.

“Kind of scary and I am very tired,” he wrote to aides at the end of his first month as governor, describing the email volume.

At times, Mr. Bush seemed wounded. “Who told you that?” he wrote back to a 13-year-old who suggested that his hopes of attending college would be dashed. “Why don’t you get the person who told you an untruth to write me?”

The debate consumed much of his first year in office, cresting perhaps in January 2000, two months after Mr. Bush had issued an executive order outlining his vision.

Two prominent black lawmakers arrived in Mr. Bush’s executive suite for a meeting with the lieutenant governor. Mr. Bush, who had resisted meeting the men himself, dropped in briefly to lament the futility of their push.

“If you think I’m going to change my mind, you might as well get some blankets,” he told the lawmakers, according to one of them, Anthony C. Hill, a state representative at the time.

“So we did that,” Mr. Hill recalled.

Soon, the governor’s office was overtaken by the spectacle. Protesters descended on the Capitol to support Mr. Hill and his State Senate colleague, Kendrick Meek, who did not budge for more than 24 hours. Reporters raced to the premises. And in a hot-mike moment that attracted national headlines, Mr. Bush ordered aides to “kick their asses out,” unaware that his words were being recorded. His team later insisted he was talking about the reporters.

Eventually, Mr. Bush relented, slightly. He agreed to meet the lawmakers and scheduled a series of public meetings on the changes to come.

But emotions simmered still. The Rev. R.B. Holmes Jr., who was Mr. Bush’s most outspoken black supporter, said at the time that he felt double-crossed: “Instead of One Florida, it’s divisive Florida.” (The enmity did not last; Mr. Holmes introduced Mr. Bush at his presidential campaign kickoff in June and has continued campaigning for him.)

Al Cardenas, Mr. Bush’s longtime adviser and friend, said Mr. Bush feared violent demonstrations and urged his team to avoid inflaming tensions.

“It’s the only time I remember him calling me two or three times saying, ‘Don’t be too provocative,’” said Mr. Cardenas, who had advocated challenging the affirmative action supporters to a public debate.


For Jeb!, It must be sort of hard to hop around the country, with one foot so firmly placed in his mouth.

Less than two months after the sit-in, as Mr. Bush defended One Florida in his State of the State address, an enormous protest, led by the Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, rolled through Tallahassee.
Inside the House chamber, Mr. Bush vowed that his plan would work. “This year,” he pledged, “more minority students will be admitted to our university system than last year.”

That fall, Mr. Bush and his team highlighted gains in minority admissions at state universities. But many in higher education were skeptical of the program, noting that those acceptance decisions had taken place before One Florida was put into effect.

The next year, some statistics were less encouraging. At the University of Florida, 7.2 percent of incoming freshmen in 2001 were black, down from 11.7 percent the previous year.

“When that policy was put in place, we scrambled a little bit,” Joe Glover, the University of Florida’s provost, said in an interview.

He said the program, for better or worse, helped compel the school to revise its admissions practices by targeting groups, like low-income applicants whose parents had not attended college, to increase diversity without violating the order.

Mr. Bush’s supporters have argued that the plan fulfilled its purpose, infusing admissions policies with conservative ideals while coaxing schools to find opportunities for underrepresented groups in other ways.

An analysis by The Orlando Sentinel in 2010 found that minority enrollment in the state’s university system had not kept pace with the number of minorities graduating high school. In 1999, the report said, more than 20 percent of the state’s high school graduates and 17.5 percent of university freshmen were black. By 2008, black students accounted for 19.5 percent of high school graduates and 14.9 percent of university freshmen.

Mr. Bush’s team has pushed back since his tenure ended, noting that more students of all races were enrolled, with particular gains among Hispanics as the state’s demographics shifted.

And according to the Bush campaign, businesses run by blacks and Hispanics received tens of millions of dollars more in state procurements by the time he left office.

But some opponents required special attention from the governor. In 2000, a student named Tania Williams engaged Mr. Bush in a exchange of multiple emails, predicting a return to the era of Jim Crow and asking how long Mr. Bush would wait to assess the program’s success.

“Great question and that is what I am working on to lessen people’s fears,” Mr. Bush wrote. “You are very perceptive!”

Ms. Williams asked, with a typed smiley face, if this meant she could pester Mr. Bush about a summer internship. “I don’t know if we have summer internships, but look me up nonetheless,” he replied.

In an email this week, Ms. Williams said she had gotten an internship.

She is now a lawyer in West Palm Beach, about 75 miles from Mr. Bush’s campaign headquarters.
Jeb Bush’s Remarks About Blacks Echo a Showdown He... (show quote)

Look at Carson and I think that pretty well explains it--of all the things he might be in touch with reality isn't one of them. That's what it takes for blacks to be a member of the republican party...

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Oct 2, 2015 20:28:48   #
KHH1
 
PeterS wrote:
Look at Carson and I think that pretty well explains it--of all the things he might be in touch with reality isn't one of them. That's what it takes for blacks to be a member of the republican party...


You saved me from having to post anything...delusion is their hallmark.....thanks.....moving right along... :roll:

Reply
Check out topic: Pile of Rocks...
Oct 3, 2015 00:15:43   #
poppabear42
 
kinney;
I understand what you are trying to say, but you are full of shit!
We are where you people put us, and a few got through the bullshit...Got to be successful, and became a fu##ing repukeblican.
But I do admire them, because most of them, sure had to go through hell, to earn what they have, (Obama) is a damned good example of that, and people like you hate him.
Probably because he makes you, and all the others like you look like the damned fools, and idots, that you have proven yourselves to be.
Anyway, in case you didn't know this, there are more white people on food stamps, and getting free shit than there are black people, and evidently they are repukeblicans too, because they hate Obama just like you do (That is why I label you fools, and idiots).
So know this, if it weren't for Obama, they would not have a place to shit, nor a window to through the shit out of.
Because repukeblicans don't give a damn about them either (Because they can not buy elections).
So get your facts straight, kinny

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 00:24:32   #
oldroy Loc: Western Kansas (No longer in hiding)
 
poppabear42 wrote:
kinney;
I understand what you are trying to say, but you are full of shit!
We are where you people put us, and a few got through the bullshit...Got to be successful, and became a fu##ing repukeblican.
But I do admire them, because most of them, sure had to go through hell, to earn what they have, (Obama) is a damned good example of that, and people like you hate him.
Probably because he makes you, and all the others like you look like the damned fools, and idots, that you have proven yourselves to be.
Anyway, in case you didn't know this, there are more white people on food stamps, and getting free shit than there are black people, and evidently they are repukeblicans too, because they hate Obama just like you do (That is why I label you fools, and idiots).
So know this, if it weren't for Obama, they would not have a place to shit, nor a window to through the shit out of.
Because repukeblicans don't give a damn about them either (Because they can not buy elections).
So get your facts straight, kinny
kinney; br I understand what you are trying to s... (show quote)


Is there a chance that you don't know the proportion of blacks and whites in our population? You don't at all sound like you have any idea about that.

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 11:42:04   #
Kazudy
 
Because he has a brain. Obviously with a higher IQ then yours.

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 13:38:49   #
padremike Loc: Phenix City, Al
 
poppabear42 wrote:
kinney;
I understand what you are trying to say, but you are full of shit!
We are where you people put us, and a few got through the bullshit...Got to be successful, and became a fu##ing repukeblican.
But I do admire them, because most of them, sure had to go through hell, to earn what they have, (Obama) is a damned good example of that, and people like you hate him.
Probably because he makes you, and all the others like you look like the damned fools, and idots, that you have proven yourselves to be.
Anyway, in case you didn't know this, there are more white people on food stamps, and getting free shit than there are black people, and evidently they are repukeblicans too, because they hate Obama just like you do (That is why I label you fools, and idiots).
So know this, if it weren't for Obama, they would not have a place to shit, nor a window to through the shit out of.
Because repukeblicans don't give a damn about them either (Because they can not buy elections).
So get your facts straight, kinny
kinney; br I understand what you are trying to s... (show quote)


Dear people, this person is a glittering example of how blacks have been hoodwinked by Progressives, once called Democrats, to believe that that political party is full of heartfelt and genuine sympathy for them. Here is the objective Truth. If it hadn't been for Republicans and Christianity blacks would continue to be slaves today. The Republican party, organized for emancipation, fought the most bitter and costly war in our history, in terms of human lives lost, to free slaves. It was Republicans who forced thru the Civil Rights act vigorously opposed by Democrats who, for 100 years after the civil war continued to think of them as Niggars. It was a Republican President, Eisenhower, who federalized the national guard to force integration in Alabama where state troopers and the Democratic governor posted themselves at the doors to prevent black students from entering. Martin Luther King Jr was, himself, a Republican. What the Democrats have done for you is to first usurp the claim they were the freedom fighters for blacks. What they discovered in you was a voting block and they force fed you with phony "free stuff" and guess what? Millions of you were are once again enslaved and now completely dependent on the massa's government teat. Here's the bad news, it can't last. $Trillions have been spent to raise you up out of your ghettos and your progress is practically negligible. America is bankrupt. All the gold and silver in the entire world won't make a dent in our national debt. Republicans will improve the economy and provide opportunity. Democrats only rob from those who work to buy the votes from those whom they keep dependent. The reason they turn their backs on illegal immigration and want new immigration laws and a pathway to citizenship, is to buy more votes. They are already providing illegals with $billions in free stuff. No other reason exists than to buy more votes. There is nothing wrong with our current immigration laws except Democrats want 20 million more votes bought and paid for. My advice for every black and Latino is to vote for conservatives but only if you are a patriotic American, love this nation, want it, and yourself, to prosper and continue. If you're selfish, self centered and think only of yourself and perfectly satisfied where you find yourself, dependent, then vote for your own destruction by voting for the Socialists secular democrats.

Reply
 
 
Oct 3, 2015 15:22:55   #
KHH1
 
Cons haven't even done anything for their impoverished red-state loyal voters so I doubt like hell they will assist anyone outside of that circle....

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 15:36:59   #
peter11937 Loc: NYS
 
Very true, the new plantation is the democrat paxpayer fuunded dole....funny thing, the majority of those abortions are from black mothers, gotta keep that population down, just enough to give the dems. enough votes to stay in office........

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 15:43:32   #
oldroy Loc: Western Kansas (No longer in hiding)
 
KHH1 wrote:
Cons haven't even done anything for their impoverished red-state loyal voters so I doubt like hell they will assist anyone outside of that circle....


What, besides all the gifts, have the Demoncraps done for you people?

Reply
Oct 3, 2015 15:52:06   #
KHH1
 
Keep believing that.....research the actual number of each group receiving "gifts" as you right wing types call it is as you seek to demean others...that is why the red state types are unraveling..you're so busy trying to look down on black people that the sad state of affairs associated with your own lives are overlooked....until it is time to take it out on the public.........

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