Another Trump laughable
Mar 23, 2017 08:40:27 #
Progressive One wrote:
I see you have several rude faggot ass posts...once your depression kicks in you'll be singing the blues like BB King.......
Black Bird Fly
https://youtu.be/qokMu7BMv_8
Mar 23, 2017 10:23:25 #
Progressive One wrote:
your faggot dumb ass need to learn the concept of respectfully disagreeing like we do in academia and I won't talk no shit to you. But if you think you are going to say whatever the fk you want to me and I won't do the same to you, then you're a fking idiot..........
Very professorial language. Hey, ghetto denizen, if you believe this is edumacated discussion, I have some great swamp-land for you to invest your next welfare check. You are what you are, and never could be anything better than the ghetto denizen that you are.
Mar 23, 2017 13:06:21 #
Healthcare vote is a crucible for Trump-Ryan
The result may define their alliance and shape their agendas.
By Noah Bierman and Michael A. Memoli
WASHINGTON — President Trump and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan are staring at a moment that could define or derail their tenures, with the vote on the GOP measure to repeal and replace Obamacare approaching and the tally seemingly moving against them.
The two are not natural allies, something that was clear during the presidential campaign. As any number of Trump controversies swirled, particularly those that raised questions about the nominee’s temperament and judgment, Ryan (R-Wis.) did his best to keep his party’s standard bearer at arm’s length.
But they began working closely after Trump’s victory in November to set a strategy for their legislative agenda.
Healthcare was the first big item — the bill that would fulfill a central campaign promise for the GOP and open the way to other priorities, including a major tax cut.
Now, however, the outcome of the healthcare vote, scheduled for Thursday evening, appears very much in doubt.
Despite appeals by Trump, Vice President Mike Pence and other officials, some 30 Republicans, led by a rebellious group of conservatives known as the Freedom Caucus, but also including a number of the party’s moderates, have indicated they will vote no. If they all follow through, that would be more than the 21 GOP opponents needed to defeat the legislation if all Democrats join them.
“We easily have enough votes — with a buffer — to kill this legislation unless it’s substantially improved,” Rep. Mo Brooks (R-Ala.) said Wednesday after a White House meeting designed to win over Freedom Caucus members.
The vote count leaves Trump and Ryan facing a key decision — whether to retreat or press forward at the risk of defeat.
Their predecessors faced a very similar moment on the same issue. In 2010, the day after a Republican scored a political upset to win the Senate seat of the late Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Democrats had to quickly decide whether to press on with the tough and uncertain fight over their healthcare overhaul or concede defeat.
President Obama called it one of the most important phone calls he made as president: “Are you guys still game? Because if you guys are still game, we’ll find a way,” he asked then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), Obama recalled in a recent interview with the New Yorker. “Once Nancy said, ‘I’m game,’ then it was really just, at that point, a set of tactical questions,” he said.
The decision to go ahead, and the eventual victory with the passage of the Affordable Care Act, bonded the former president with Pelosi, providing an experience they would use as a basis for trusting each other.
Trump and Ryan could forge a similar bond if they pull off a hard-won victory. An early defeat on such a high-profile issue, however, might drive them apart.
Presidents don’t typically choose the congressional leaders they’ll work with, even in their own parties. And there’s ample evidence that neither Trump nor Ryan would have chosen the other in their respective roles.
On the eve of his inauguration, Trump made light of some of their previous conflicts but professed to be working in tandem. Ryan would be the one who would studiously write the bills and he would deliver the signatures on legislation that conservatives had been waiting on for eight years, Trump said.
“I really, really love Paul,” he said. “I just want to let the world know, we’re doing very well.”
Aides to both men say Trump and Ryan are likely to speak multiple times daily most days, most often of late so Trump can probe Ryan about which lawmakers need some presidential arm-twisting.
Michael Steel, a former GOP leadership aide, said Ryan, despite his public criticism of Trump during the 2016 campaign, is skilled at cultivating trust with older politicians, who often view him as a protege.
“Most of his career, he’s always been the youngest guy in the room, and he’s been really successful at building strong relationships with older political figures, like he did with Gov. Romney in 2012,” said Steel, who served as Ryan’s press secretary during the vice presidential campaign that year.
Ryan has learned that his wonky style of communication is wasted on Trump, given the president’s lack of interest in policy details, Steel said. But he has come to value Trump’s eagerness to exert pressure on wavering Republicans.
The two have different priorities, yet Republicans say they both realize the healthcare bill is essential to unlocking their agendas.
Trump sees healthcare reform as a means to an end, allowing the party to move on to other big-ticket items that appeal more to his sensibilities as a businessman and deal maker, especially tax reform and trade negotiations.
During the campaign, and as recently as a rally with supporters this week, Trump has expressed relatively little interest in the details of repealing Obama’s healthcare law. He would often bring up the subject perfunctorily in rallies, briefly ticking off the promise to repeal Obamcare near the end of his campaign speeches after much longer riffs denouncing trade deals or Hillary Clinton.
Those around Trump say he is now motivated by a simple instinct that has less to do with policy than maintaining his image as a winner who is fulfilling campaign promises.
“He’s a very objective-oriented person, and he’s very linear,” Christopher Ruddy, a confidant who leads the conservative website Newsmax, said recently.
Ryan, by contrast, is deeply committed philosophically to repealing Obamacare. He also has a long-term interest in overhauling Social Security, Medicare and other entitlement programs that Trump has pledged to leave intact. He sees the rollback of Medicaid spending that the healthcare bill would accomplish as part of his larger agenda, even if Trump would not make the same case.
“This is entitlement reform in and of itself,” said one GOP congressional aide.
Both the White House and the speaker’s office have gone out of their way in recent days to emphasize the extent of their partnership. Ryan has taken to praising Trump as “the closer” for the GOP team.
“President Trump was here to do what he does best, and that is to close the deal,” Ryan said Tuesday after the president addressed the full House Republican conference. “He is all in and we are all in to end this Obamacare nightmare.”
On Wednesday, as Trump continued that effort with time running short, White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer said there would be no backing down. “Piece by piece, member by member, we’re getting there,” he said of the vote count. “There is no Plan B.”
Trump, however, offered a more equivocal note. Asked by a reporter whether he would persist on healthcare if the bill fails, he said simply: “We’ll see what happens.”
noah.bierman@latimes.com
Twitter: @noahbierman
michael.memoli @latimes.com
Twitter: @mikememoli
Times staff writer Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.
The result may define their alliance and shape their agendas.
By Noah Bierman and Michael A. Memoli
WASHINGTON — President Trump and House Speaker Paul D. Ryan are staring at a moment that could define or derail their tenures, with the vote on the GOP measure to repeal and replace Obamacare approaching and the tally seemingly moving against them.
The two are not natural allies, something that was clear during the presidential campaign. As any number of Trump controversies swirled, particularly those that raised questions about the nominee’s temperament and judgment, Ryan (R-Wis.) did his best to keep his party’s standard bearer at arm’s length.
But they began working closely after Trump’s victory in November to set a strategy for their legislative agenda.
Healthcare was the first big item — the bill that would fulfill a central campaign promise for the GOP and open the way to other priorities, including a major tax cut.
Now, however, the outcome of the healthcare vote, scheduled for Thursday evening, appears very much in doubt.
Despite appeals by Trump, Vice President Mike Pence and other officials, some 30 Republicans, led by a rebellious group of conservatives known as the Freedom Caucus, but also including a number of the party’s moderates, have indicated they will vote no. If they all follow through, that would be more than the 21 GOP opponents needed to defeat the legislation if all Democrats join them.
“We easily have enough votes — with a buffer — to kill this legislation unless it’s substantially improved,” Rep. Mo Brooks (R-Ala.) said Wednesday after a White House meeting designed to win over Freedom Caucus members.
The vote count leaves Trump and Ryan facing a key decision — whether to retreat or press forward at the risk of defeat.
Their predecessors faced a very similar moment on the same issue. In 2010, the day after a Republican scored a political upset to win the Senate seat of the late Edward M. Kennedy of Massachusetts, Democrats had to quickly decide whether to press on with the tough and uncertain fight over their healthcare overhaul or concede defeat.
President Obama called it one of the most important phone calls he made as president: “Are you guys still game? Because if you guys are still game, we’ll find a way,” he asked then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco), Obama recalled in a recent interview with the New Yorker. “Once Nancy said, ‘I’m game,’ then it was really just, at that point, a set of tactical questions,” he said.
The decision to go ahead, and the eventual victory with the passage of the Affordable Care Act, bonded the former president with Pelosi, providing an experience they would use as a basis for trusting each other.
Trump and Ryan could forge a similar bond if they pull off a hard-won victory. An early defeat on such a high-profile issue, however, might drive them apart.
Presidents don’t typically choose the congressional leaders they’ll work with, even in their own parties. And there’s ample evidence that neither Trump nor Ryan would have chosen the other in their respective roles.
On the eve of his inauguration, Trump made light of some of their previous conflicts but professed to be working in tandem. Ryan would be the one who would studiously write the bills and he would deliver the signatures on legislation that conservatives had been waiting on for eight years, Trump said.
“I really, really love Paul,” he said. “I just want to let the world know, we’re doing very well.”
Aides to both men say Trump and Ryan are likely to speak multiple times daily most days, most often of late so Trump can probe Ryan about which lawmakers need some presidential arm-twisting.
Michael Steel, a former GOP leadership aide, said Ryan, despite his public criticism of Trump during the 2016 campaign, is skilled at cultivating trust with older politicians, who often view him as a protege.
“Most of his career, he’s always been the youngest guy in the room, and he’s been really successful at building strong relationships with older political figures, like he did with Gov. Romney in 2012,” said Steel, who served as Ryan’s press secretary during the vice presidential campaign that year.
Ryan has learned that his wonky style of communication is wasted on Trump, given the president’s lack of interest in policy details, Steel said. But he has come to value Trump’s eagerness to exert pressure on wavering Republicans.
The two have different priorities, yet Republicans say they both realize the healthcare bill is essential to unlocking their agendas.
Trump sees healthcare reform as a means to an end, allowing the party to move on to other big-ticket items that appeal more to his sensibilities as a businessman and deal maker, especially tax reform and trade negotiations.
During the campaign, and as recently as a rally with supporters this week, Trump has expressed relatively little interest in the details of repealing Obama’s healthcare law. He would often bring up the subject perfunctorily in rallies, briefly ticking off the promise to repeal Obamcare near the end of his campaign speeches after much longer riffs denouncing trade deals or Hillary Clinton.
Those around Trump say he is now motivated by a simple instinct that has less to do with policy than maintaining his image as a winner who is fulfilling campaign promises.
“He’s a very objective-oriented person, and he’s very linear,” Christopher Ruddy, a confidant who leads the conservative website Newsmax, said recently.
Ryan, by contrast, is deeply committed philosophically to repealing Obamacare. He also has a long-term interest in overhauling Social Security, Medicare and other entitlement programs that Trump has pledged to leave intact. He sees the rollback of Medicaid spending that the healthcare bill would accomplish as part of his larger agenda, even if Trump would not make the same case.
“This is entitlement reform in and of itself,” said one GOP congressional aide.
Both the White House and the speaker’s office have gone out of their way in recent days to emphasize the extent of their partnership. Ryan has taken to praising Trump as “the closer” for the GOP team.
“President Trump was here to do what he does best, and that is to close the deal,” Ryan said Tuesday after the president addressed the full House Republican conference. “He is all in and we are all in to end this Obamacare nightmare.”
On Wednesday, as Trump continued that effort with time running short, White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer said there would be no backing down. “Piece by piece, member by member, we’re getting there,” he said of the vote count. “There is no Plan B.”
Trump, however, offered a more equivocal note. Asked by a reporter whether he would persist on healthcare if the bill fails, he said simply: “We’ll see what happens.”
noah.bierman@latimes.com
Twitter: @noahbierman
michael.memoli @latimes.com
Twitter: @mikememoli
Times staff writer Lisa Mascaro contributed to this report.
Mar 26, 2017 06:23:22 #
TELEVISION REVIEW
Inside the minds of U.S. jihadis
Smart documentary examines the roots of homegrown terrorists.
ANWAR AWLAKI stands with a woman identified as Patricia Morris in the Falls Church, Va., mosque where he was a charismatic imam. (The Washington Post/Getty Images/Showtime)
LORRAINE ALI TELEVISION CRITIC
Showtime’s “American Jihad” looks at the roots of homegrown terrorism through the stories of the young American citizens behind such deadly attacks as the Boston Marathon bombing and the Orlando, Fla., nightclub shooting.
The 90-minute documentary, narrated by Liev Schreiber (“Ray Donovan”), goes beyond the hysteria and fear to offer a smart, measured and methodical look at how these men were indoctrinated into terror organizations such as the Islamic State, Al Qaeda and Shabab.
By interviewing a “de-radicalized” Al Qaeda follower, the parents of jailed and dead American “jihadis,” the victims of a terror attack and deeply sourced experts, the documentary deconstructs how and why deadly assaults such as Ft. Hood and San Bernardino happen and explores what can possibly be done to thwart future tragedies.
The documentary, which airs Saturday, finds two main commonalities among the young men it follows: the need for stability and the misguided belief they’d found it in the teachings of dangerous propagandists such as Al Qaeda’s Anwar Awlaki.
Partly through news footage and his own self-released videos, the Showtime film (directed by Alison Ellwood) tracks Awlaki from his early days as a charismatic imam in a Falls Church, Va., mosque to becoming the first American citizen killed by a targeted drone strike in President Obama’s war on terror.
Born in New Mexico, he had a strong rapport with the American Muslim youths at his mosque, thanks to a fluid use of the English language (not a given with Islamic religious leaders, even in the U.S.) and his understanding of popular culture. He was also an early master manipulator of the Internet and social media, using it to disseminate his videotaped teachings to a wider audience.
As Awlaki began embracing more extremist views (he finally fled the U.S. when he landed on the radar of authorities over his connection to some of the 9/11 attackers), so too did his most impressionable followers.
Jesse Morton was a self-proclaimed jihadist who has “ancestry in America dating back to the Mayflower,” he says. He converted to Islam in prison, where he found solace in the Koran. Later he discovered Awlaki’s videos online. The self-declared Islamic scholar had a way of making American Muslims feel “they were doing nothing” about the suffering in Islamic regions overseas, says Morton, and had a duty to fight the American oppression of their Muslim brothers. It was a call to arms that provided lost young men with the direction they’d been seeking.
Morton (who had become Younes Abdullah Mohammed) co-founded the radical New York organization Revolution Muslim, posting anti-American and pro-extremist propaganda. When a death threat was sent to the creators of “South Park” after they released an episode mocking the prophet Muhammad, he was arrested in 2011 for soliciting murder through his organization. Morton later helped authorities break up terror plots, so he was released from prison and deployed as an undercover operative.
Troy Kastigar traveled to Africa under the guise of teaching English, says his tearful mother, Julie Boada, but he really joined Somalia’s Shabab militia. She describes him as a high-energy kid, always on the move, until he came under the influence of sort of substance abuse. When he discovered mainstream Islam and converted, he was happy, even grounded. And then he fell for the teachings of Awlaki. “I cannot comprehend him being violent,” his mother says. Kastigar was killed in battle.
Awlaki has been dead for six years, but his videos are still used as recruiting tools by groups such as Islamic State. The group is losing ground in Iraq and Syria, so it is encouraging followers to stage attacks on their own soil. As the documentary points out, terror groups no longer have to try to physically recruit men and women for their fight overseas. Given the growth of social media, they reach a lot more potential followers than they did when the Al Qaeda operative was alive.
“All they have is an ideology now,” says Ali Soufan, a former FBI special agent and terrorism expert. When an attack like San Bernardino occurs, where the perpetrators have no official ties to the Islamic State other than following its social media account, “ISIS is still happy to take advantage of” the fear it incites,” he says.
Soufan says it’s the notion of omnipresence that all these groups — Islamic State, Al Qeada and whatever extremist network pops up next — enjoy. “If we don’t change the narrative or kill the ideology, we are going to continue to play a game of whack-a-mole.”
“American Jihad” brings us all the way up to President Trump’s first executive travel ban earlier this year. Trump’s inflammatory statements about Muslims are “absolutely playing into the hands of ISIS” and Osama bin Laden’s promise that one day the U.S. will turn on its own Muslim citizens, says John Miller, deputy commissioner of intelligence and counterterrorism at the NYPD.
Journalist and author Peter Bergen, who has reported on terror movements for decades, says Trump’s rhetoric is distancing us from our greatest ally in the war against terror: American Muslims. “Don’t alienate them,” he says, “enlist them.”
lorraine.ali@latimes.com
Inside the minds of U.S. jihadis
Smart documentary examines the roots of homegrown terrorists.
ANWAR AWLAKI stands with a woman identified as Patricia Morris in the Falls Church, Va., mosque where he was a charismatic imam. (The Washington Post/Getty Images/Showtime)
LORRAINE ALI TELEVISION CRITIC
Showtime’s “American Jihad” looks at the roots of homegrown terrorism through the stories of the young American citizens behind such deadly attacks as the Boston Marathon bombing and the Orlando, Fla., nightclub shooting.
The 90-minute documentary, narrated by Liev Schreiber (“Ray Donovan”), goes beyond the hysteria and fear to offer a smart, measured and methodical look at how these men were indoctrinated into terror organizations such as the Islamic State, Al Qaeda and Shabab.
By interviewing a “de-radicalized” Al Qaeda follower, the parents of jailed and dead American “jihadis,” the victims of a terror attack and deeply sourced experts, the documentary deconstructs how and why deadly assaults such as Ft. Hood and San Bernardino happen and explores what can possibly be done to thwart future tragedies.
The documentary, which airs Saturday, finds two main commonalities among the young men it follows: the need for stability and the misguided belief they’d found it in the teachings of dangerous propagandists such as Al Qaeda’s Anwar Awlaki.
Partly through news footage and his own self-released videos, the Showtime film (directed by Alison Ellwood) tracks Awlaki from his early days as a charismatic imam in a Falls Church, Va., mosque to becoming the first American citizen killed by a targeted drone strike in President Obama’s war on terror.
Born in New Mexico, he had a strong rapport with the American Muslim youths at his mosque, thanks to a fluid use of the English language (not a given with Islamic religious leaders, even in the U.S.) and his understanding of popular culture. He was also an early master manipulator of the Internet and social media, using it to disseminate his videotaped teachings to a wider audience.
As Awlaki began embracing more extremist views (he finally fled the U.S. when he landed on the radar of authorities over his connection to some of the 9/11 attackers), so too did his most impressionable followers.
Jesse Morton was a self-proclaimed jihadist who has “ancestry in America dating back to the Mayflower,” he says. He converted to Islam in prison, where he found solace in the Koran. Later he discovered Awlaki’s videos online. The self-declared Islamic scholar had a way of making American Muslims feel “they were doing nothing” about the suffering in Islamic regions overseas, says Morton, and had a duty to fight the American oppression of their Muslim brothers. It was a call to arms that provided lost young men with the direction they’d been seeking.
Morton (who had become Younes Abdullah Mohammed) co-founded the radical New York organization Revolution Muslim, posting anti-American and pro-extremist propaganda. When a death threat was sent to the creators of “South Park” after they released an episode mocking the prophet Muhammad, he was arrested in 2011 for soliciting murder through his organization. Morton later helped authorities break up terror plots, so he was released from prison and deployed as an undercover operative.
Troy Kastigar traveled to Africa under the guise of teaching English, says his tearful mother, Julie Boada, but he really joined Somalia’s Shabab militia. She describes him as a high-energy kid, always on the move, until he came under the influence of sort of substance abuse. When he discovered mainstream Islam and converted, he was happy, even grounded. And then he fell for the teachings of Awlaki. “I cannot comprehend him being violent,” his mother says. Kastigar was killed in battle.
Awlaki has been dead for six years, but his videos are still used as recruiting tools by groups such as Islamic State. The group is losing ground in Iraq and Syria, so it is encouraging followers to stage attacks on their own soil. As the documentary points out, terror groups no longer have to try to physically recruit men and women for their fight overseas. Given the growth of social media, they reach a lot more potential followers than they did when the Al Qaeda operative was alive.
“All they have is an ideology now,” says Ali Soufan, a former FBI special agent and terrorism expert. When an attack like San Bernardino occurs, where the perpetrators have no official ties to the Islamic State other than following its social media account, “ISIS is still happy to take advantage of” the fear it incites,” he says.
Soufan says it’s the notion of omnipresence that all these groups — Islamic State, Al Qeada and whatever extremist network pops up next — enjoy. “If we don’t change the narrative or kill the ideology, we are going to continue to play a game of whack-a-mole.”
“American Jihad” brings us all the way up to President Trump’s first executive travel ban earlier this year. Trump’s inflammatory statements about Muslims are “absolutely playing into the hands of ISIS” and Osama bin Laden’s promise that one day the U.S. will turn on its own Muslim citizens, says John Miller, deputy commissioner of intelligence and counterterrorism at the NYPD.
Journalist and author Peter Bergen, who has reported on terror movements for decades, says Trump’s rhetoric is distancing us from our greatest ally in the war against terror: American Muslims. “Don’t alienate them,” he says, “enlist them.”
lorraine.ali@latimes.com
Mar 26, 2017 18:22:07 #
This is a public service announcement:
Made possible by loser Prog One and other Street People;
Why do liberals side with a Billionaire elitist like George "Giorgi" Soros?
PO; do you believe this should be what guides America?
“This system to be controlled in a feudalistic fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences.” - Insider, Professor Carroll Quigley – ‘Tragedy and Hope’,( p. 324)
10 Things You Didn't Know About "Giorgi" George Soros
https://youtu.be/tfBHYxEojZk
SOROS ROTHSCHILD RACE WAR PROPAGANDA EXPOSED
https://youtu.be/lhqqz3QFQKE
George Soros: Evil Puppet Master Exposed
https://youtu.be/1eRFTHD2CTg
HILLARY FOR PRISON 2016 CAMPAIGN THEME SONG
https://youtu.be/lwl56DeNK0Q
Can't Touch Me The Hillary Song
https://youtu.be/zcTGTFNXJss
Made possible by loser Prog One and other Street People;
Why do liberals side with a Billionaire elitist like George "Giorgi" Soros?
PO; do you believe this should be what guides America?
“This system to be controlled in a feudalistic fashion by the central banks of the world acting in concert, by secret agreements arrived at in frequent private meetings and conferences.” - Insider, Professor Carroll Quigley – ‘Tragedy and Hope’,( p. 324)
10 Things You Didn't Know About "Giorgi" George Soros
https://youtu.be/tfBHYxEojZk
SOROS ROTHSCHILD RACE WAR PROPAGANDA EXPOSED
https://youtu.be/lhqqz3QFQKE
George Soros: Evil Puppet Master Exposed
https://youtu.be/1eRFTHD2CTg
HILLARY FOR PRISON 2016 CAMPAIGN THEME SONG
https://youtu.be/lwl56DeNK0Q
Can't Touch Me The Hillary Song
https://youtu.be/zcTGTFNXJss
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