PeterS wrote:
Why, do you think looking at our party would change the lies that come out of Trumps mouth? Sorry Pennylynn but the lies of one person does not excuse the lies of another and you people claim to be the party of responsibility yet not only did you elect the worst liar to ever hold the office but you will stand there and defend every lie that comes out of his mouth. So is hypocrisy part of your game plan here or was that incidental?
As for a spy operation law enforcement has used informants (spys) from day one. What you fail to understand is it never would have happened if the Trump campaign hadn't crawled into bed with the Russians. How is it that little fact keeps escaping your argument? Yeah, some spy and you people are the ones who voted for a man whom the FBI needed to incert an informant, I mean spy, on to see what the hell he was up to.
Now here is my question to you: suppose in your capacity as a government employee you saw some nefarious actions going on by a superior and in contacting the FBI you were asked to spy on that superior to determine if he was breaking any laws. Now the question is, should you be outed as a spy before any trial took place or do you think your identity should be protected whether laws were broken or not?
Why, do you think looking at our party would chang... (
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Peter, you really need to get your head out of your ass. This entire Russian collusion allegation was a set up from the get go. Allow me to elaborate.
In the pitifully blind and ideological biased eyes of liberals, the defeat of their precious queen is the only "crime". Out of a field of 16 Republican candidates, one man stood out as a major threat, so in early 2016, the Obama administration weaponized its DOJ and FBI to surveill and investigate him in an attempt to prevent the worst "crime" in American history. Then, when American voters chose Trump as their nominee, this was evidence that a "crime" was definitely in progress, so Obama's high level operatives in the DOJ and FBI, in the Hillary campaign, and in the MSM ramped up their efforts. Yet, in spite of this subterfuge, the American voters violated the liberal laws of entitlement and elected Trump as POTUS. This was worse than a felony, this was treason, So again the Obama and Hillary operatives, and the MSM ramped up their campaign to unprecedented levels in their effort to undermine a duly elected president, to destroy him, his family, and his administration.
Trump did not elect himself, the Americans who elected him are the ones who committed the "crime". Trump is not the criminal, he is the evidence that a crime was committed.
This attempt by a sitting administration, the democrat nominee campaign, and the MSM to undermine and defeat its opposition and, in the process, destroy the American electoral process is the greatest political scandal in American history.
Yet, in spite of it all, both the Constitution and the law are fully on the side of the president. This is indisputable. Trump knows this and he isn't backing down, not by a long shot.
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Deputy AG Rod Rosenstein violated the appointments clause of Article II, Section 2 of the constitution by appointing an independent special counsel to operate without supervision, which means Mueller is acting as a Principle Officer of the United States.
The Attorney General, deputy AG, associate AGs and all US Attorneys are Principle Officers of the United States. Only the president has the consitutional authority to appoint,
"with the advice and consent of the senate", a Principle Officer of the United States.
A Principle Officer of the United States cannot act outside the authority of his office. All Principle Officers of the United States are subject to the appointing authority and must follow its supervisory instructions. In the case of the Mueller investigation, Rosenstein IS NOT supervising Mueller, he is rubber stamping every thing he does. Mueller is acting far outside his authority, he is a loose cannon.
References:
Article II, Section 2, US Constitution.
DOJ regulation 64 Fed. Reg. 37038
Deputy AG Rosenstein letter of appointment (ORDER NO. 3915-2017)
Title 18, Chapter VI, 28 C.F.R. § 600.4(a) (b) (c). (Special counsel jurisdiction)
Chief Justice Rehnquist’s majority opinion in Morrison v. Olson
Justice Scalia dissent in Morrison v. Olson
Pepperdine University Constitutional Law professor, Douglas Kmiec, on appointments clause of Constitution.
Northwestern Law School Professor Steven Calabresi on special counsel appointments.
Former US Attorney for Washington DC Joe DiGenova's breakdown of Obama/Hillary malfeasance.
Representative Devin Nunes' timeline and breakdown of DOJ and FBI FISA warrant violations.
professor, Douglas KmiecMueller is not an inferior appointee, but a principal appointee as understood under our constitutional. His powers are more akin to an United States attorney, not an assistant United States attorney. Moreover, his boss, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, treats him as a principal officer — that is, Mueller is mostly free to conduct his investigation with few limits or restraints. The parameters of his appointment were extraordinarily broad in the first instance, and have only expanded since then.
Indeed, Mueller is more powerful than most United States attorneys, all of whom were nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate as principal officers. Furthermore, Rosenstein mostly rubber stamps Mueller’s decisions and is not involved in the regular management and oversight of Mueller to any significant extent, underscoring Mueller’s role not as an inferior officer but a principal officer. As such, Mueller’s appointment violates the Appointments Clause. Mueller would’ve had to be nominated for Senate confirmation like any other principal officer in the Executive Branch. Rosenstein did not have the constitutional power to appoint a principal officer on his own anymore than the President himself does. To do otherwise is to defy the procedure established by the Framers for making such consequential executive appointments. It follows, then, that every subpoena, indictment, and plea agreement involving the Mueller investigation is null and void. Every defendant, suspect, witness, etc., in this matter should challenge the Mueller appointment as a violation of the Appointments Clause.
The mess Rod Rosenstein madeBy Professor Steven G. Calabresi, Northwestern University School of Law.
Many liberals and critics are under the mistaken belief that President Trump is violating the rule of law and civil liberties by criticizing the Robert Mueller investigation and by ordering the Justice Department’s Inspector General to investigate whether or not the FBI spied on his 2016 presidential campaign. In fact, the president is behaving totally lawfully, and it is Robert Mueller and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein who are acting unconstitutionally and who are violating Trump’s civil liberties.
Presidents George Washington, John Adams, and Thomas Jefferson all gave orders to federal prosecutors to bring prosecutions, and Jefferson ordered a prosecution stopped. President Trump is entirely within his rights to ask the Justice Department’s inspector general to investigate whether the Obama administration got the FBI to spy on Trump’s campaign.
I’ve explained in previous writings why Robert Mueller’s appointment is unconstitutional under Chief Justice Rehnquist’s majority opinion in Morrison v. Olson. The basic problem is that Mueller is more powerful and famous than are any of the 96 U.S. attorneys, but unlike them he was never nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate.
In this investigation, Mueller is not acting like an assistant U.S. attorney who is an inferior officer. He is instead acting like a U.S. attorney, who is a principal officer and who must be nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate.
The unconstitutionality of Mueller’s appointment renders everything he has done since May 17, 2017, unconstitutional as well. This includes obtaining a log of calls by President Trump’s personal lawyer Michael Cohen, and his referral of Cohen to the United States attorney’s office for the Southern District of New York. Both the logging and the referral are examples of what the Supreme Court calls the fruit of a poisonous tree.
When an official uses government power in an unconstitutional way, anything that results from it is subject to the exclusionary rule and is not admissible in court. Since the investigation by the U.S. Attorney's office for the Southern District of New York was started due to an arguably unconstitutional call log that violates both the Appointments Clause and attorney-client privilege, the federal courts should hold that any prosecutions that result of Cohen or anyone else that grew out of the Mueller referral are unconstitutional and null and void.
Moreover, Mueller’s prosecution of former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort in Virginia is unconstitutional even if some of his prosecutors have special status as members of the relevant U.S. Attorney’s office in that state. Their actions are under Mueller’s supervision. Because of Mueller’s unconstitutional appointment as special counsel, the raid of Manafort’s house is also the fruit of a poisonous tree.
Deputy Attorney General’s Rod Rosenstein’s refusing to make public his full order appointing Mueller and defining the scope of Mueller’s investigation calls to mind the secret trials of the Court of Star Chamber in England, which has been justifiably reviled since its abolition in 1641.
I am not aware of any prior deputy attorney general of the United States who has made as big and as consequential a mistake as has Rosenstein in his appointment of Robert Mueller. Not only has he violated Trump’s civil liberties and the rule of law by unconstitutionally giving Robert Mueller the powers of a principal officer without Mueller’s having been nominated by the president and confirmed by the Senate, he has undermined in the American people’s eyes the integrity of the Justice Department itself.